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THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
VOLUME THREE
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By
A. Nirralb & (to.
EDINBURGH LONDON
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F.scape of Charles II after the Battle of Worcester
Etching by Marcel after the Fresco by Ward in the Houses of Parliament
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By JAMES BROWNE, LL. D.
IN EIGHT VOLUMES VOLUME III
Sh-anna A. Ntrrolla & Gtu.
EDINBURGH LONDON BOSTON
1909
98332
0
Abrrtowt lEMiintt
F which One Thousand numbered and registered copies have been printed.
Number.
v
, 3
CONTENTS
PAGB
CHAPTER I
MONTROSE LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR
Retreat of General Baillie and the Committee of Estates to Stirling — March of Montrose to Aberdeen — Interment of Lord Gordon — Buchan laid under assessment by Mont- rose — The Parliament meets at Perth, and orders a levy — Advance of Montrose to the south — Joined by the Athole Highlanders, the Macdonalds, Macleans, and other Clans — Crosses the Tay, and encamps at Amulree — Removes to the wood of Methven — Retreats to Little Dunkeld, where he is joined by the Earls of Aboyne and Airly — Advances to Logie Almond — Baillie retires to Kilgraston — March of Montrose towards Stirling — Castle Campbell burnt by the Macleans — Mansions of Menstrie and Airthrie burnt by Argyle — Progress of the hostile armies — Battle of Kil- syth — Entry of Montrose into Glasgow — Encamps on Bothwell Moor — Submission of the Nobility and the western shires — Communications with the king — Mont- rose appointed Lieutenant-Governor of Scotland — Battle of Phihphaugh 1
CHAPTER II
MONTROSE DISBANDS ARMT
Montrose retires into Athole — Marches north to meet Lord Aboyne — Ineffectual attempts of Montrose to induce Huntly to join him — Joined by Lord Aboyne, who soon deserts him — Execution of Sirs William Rollock, and Philip Nisbet, and Ogilvie, younger of Inverquharity — March of Montrose into the Lennox — Returns to Athole — Death and character of Lord Napier — Return of Montrose to the North — Marches on Inverness — Defeat of the Campbells at Callander by the Athole men — Meeting of the Covenant- ing Parliament at St. Andrews — Condemnation and Exe- cution of Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, Sir Robert Spottis- wood, Captain Guthry, and Mr. Murray — Escape of Lord Ogilvie — Ineffectual attempts of Montrose to reduce Inverness — Town of Fraserburgh burnt by the Earl of Crawford — March of General Middleton to Aberdeen — And to Inverness — Retreat of Montrose from Inverness —
CONTENTS
PAGE
Capture of Aberdeen by Huntly — Abandoned by him — Return of Middleton — The king escapes to the Scots army
— Montrose ordered by the king to disband his army — Corresponds with the king — Meeting between Montrose and Middleton — Montrose disbands his army at Rattray — Embarks for the continent, and arrives at Bergen in Norway 46
CHAPTER III
DEFEAT OF ROYALISTS
The king rejects certain propositions made to him — Conduct of the Scots army and commissioners, in regard to the de- livery of the king — Communicates with the Marquis of Huntly about an escape — Return of the Scots army from England — Huntly retires to Lochaber — Pursued by David Leslie — March of Leslie to the south — Encamps in Strathallan — Advances into Argyle and Kintyre — De- feats Sir Alexander Macdonald, who flies into Ila — Sur- render of Dunavertie castle — Garrison perfidiously put to the sword — Leslie lands in Ila — Surrender of Dunniveg castle — Apprehension and execution of Macdonald's father. Leslie lands in Jura, and afterwards in Mull — Conduct of the chief of Maclean — Apprehension of Huntly
— Rising of his vassals — Irish prisoners shot at Strathbogy
— Huntly imprisoned in the jail of Edinburgh — Execution of Innermarkie, Newton-Gordon, the younger, and Harthill
— Hamilton's engagement — Warlike proceedings of the Scots parliament in behalf of the king — Argyle obstructs the levies — Defeat of a body of insurgents at Mauchline — Departure of Lord Reay for Denmark — March of Hamilton to the borders — Defeat of the royalists at Preston — Rising of Covenanters in the west — They enter Edinburgh
— Capture of Stirling by the royalists, and flight of Argyle — Cromwell arrives in Edinburgh — Struggles in the English Parliament between the Presbyterians and independents — Trial and execution of the king — Execution of the Duke
of Hamilton and the Marquis of Huntly .... 88
CHAPTER IV
EXECUTION OF MONTROSE
Charles II proclaimed king — Conduct of Argyle — Conditions offered to the king at The Hague — Rejection of 'these, and return of the Commissioners — Proceedings of Montrose — Descent upon Scotland resolved upon — Rising in the north under Pluscardin — Inverness taken — March of David Leslie to the north — Submission of Sir Thomas Urquhart and others — Return of Leslie to *be south — Pluscardin joined by Lord Reay — Marches into Badenoch, where he is joined by Huntly — Pluscardin's men surprised and defeated at Balveny — Landing of the Earl of Kinnoul
vi
CONTENTS
PAGE
in Orkney — The castle of Birsay taken — Declaration of Montrose, and the Answers thereto — Arrival of Montrose in Orkney — Crosses the Pentland Frith, and lands in Caithness — Surrender of Dunbeath castle — Advance of Montrose into Sutherland — Defeated at Carbisdale_ — Capture of Montrose by Macleod of Assynt — Sent to Edin- burgh — Generous conduct of the people of Dundee — Reception of Montrose in Edinburgh — Behaviour and execution 121
CHAPTER V
CHAELES II IN SCOTLAND
Arrival of Charles II — His reception — Preparations of the English to invade Scotland — Cromwell crosses the Tweed
— Appearance of the country — Arrives at Musselburgh — Attacks the Scottish army between Edinburgh and Leith, and repulsed — Purging of the Scottish army — Cromwell retires to Dunbar — Returns to Musselburgh — Moves on Colinton — Scots draw up at Corstorphine — Cromwell re- turns to Musselburgh — The Dunfermline Declaration — Retreat of Cromwell — Battle of Dunbar — Declaration and Warning of the Kirk — Flight of the king from Perth — His capture — Insurrections in the Highlands — Repressed
— Proceedings of Cromwell — Conduct of the western army
— Defeated by Lambert — Preparations of the Scots for a new campaign — March of Cromwell towards Stirling — Crosses the Forth at the Queensferry — Defeat of Holborn
— Death of the young chief of Maclean — Cromwell enters Perth — Scottish army invades England — Followed by Cromwell — Battle of Worcester — Flight of the king . 165
CHAPTER VI
RESTORATION OF CHARLES
Operations of Monk in Scotland — Storming of Dundee — Treaty with the Marquis of Huntly and Lord Balcarras — Fruitless expeditions into the Highlands — Administration of affairs under Monk — Insurrection in the Highlands, under the Earl of Glencairn — Defeat of Colonel Kidd — Retreat of Glencairn to Abernethy forest — Defection of Lord Lorn — Pursued by Glengarry — Glencairn joined by Colonel Wogan — Marches to Elgin — Landing of Middleton in Sutherland — Joined by Glencairn — Muster of the army at Dornoch — Disputes among the royalists — Defection of Glencairn — Arrival of Monk — Defeat of Middleton — Intrigues of Cromwell and Mazarine — Doubtful policy of Monk — Negotiation between him and Charles II — Restoration of Charles — Trial and execution of the Marquis of Argyle — Feud between the Earl of Argyle and the Mac- leans — Argyle invades Mull — Submission of the Macleans
vii
CONTENTS
PAOB
— They refuse to pay the sums promised — Supported by other clans — Ineft'ectual attempt to invade Mull a second time — Dispute referred to the Privy Council — The High- land host in the west — Trial and condemnation of the Earl of Argyle — He escapes — His expedition into Scotland — Apprehension and execution 204
CHAPTER VII
KING JAMES DETHRONED
Unconstitutional proceedings of the king — Discontents — Designs of the Prince of Orange — Remonstrances of James
— Recriminations of the prince — Negotiations — Intrigues of William — Pregnancy of the queen — Calumnious reports
— Birth of the Prince of Wales — Concessions of the king — He prepares for defence — Offers of service — Scottish army marches into England — Meeting of the malcontents in Edinburgh — Landing of the Prince of Orange — Tumult in Edinburgh — Meeting of the Privy Council — Departure of the young Prince of Wales and the queen for France — Flight and arrest of the king — Riots in London — Return of the king to London — Negotiates with the city — Departure of the king for France — Conduct of the Duke of Gordon — Meeting of Scottish peers and gentlemen in London — Convention of estates called — Castle of Edin- burgh summoned — Duke of Gordon denounced — Proceed- ings of the convention — Departure of Dundee from Edin- burgh 247
CHAPTER VIII
WILLIAM AND MART
Dubious conduct of the king's adherents — Proceedings of the convention — Arrival of Major-General Mackay — Plan for settling the government proposed and carried — Crown of Scotland offered to, and accepted of, by William and Mary — Attempt to apprehend Dundee, who escapes to the north — Retires to Inverness where he is joined by Mac- donald of Keppoch — Mackay marches to the north and advances upon Inverness — Dundee retires through Bade- noch into Athole — Surprises Perth and appears before the town of Dundee — Retires into Lochaber — Colonel Ram- say arrives at Perth, marches through Athole — Retreats to Perth — Advance of Mackay from Inverness — Dundee marches into Badenoch — Mackay retreats through Strath- spey and encamps at Colmnakill — Disaffection among Mackay's troops — Ruthven Castle surrenders to Dundee — Mackay retreats farther down Strathspey — Followed by Dundee — Retreat of Dundee — Skirmish between Mac-
viii
CONTENTS
PAOB
kay's dragoons and the Macleans — Dundee retires into Lochaber — Disbands bis forces — Return of Mackay to Edinburgh 281
CHAPTER IX
JAMES'S STRUGGLE FOR THE THRONE
Probabilities of success — Dundee solicits aid from Ireland — Plan of campaign — Preparations of Mackay — Conference between him and Lord Murray, who proceeds to Athole — Conduct of the Athole men — Arrival of an Irish rein- forcement which joins Dundee — Departure of Mackay to Perth — March of Dundee into Athole — The Battle of Killiecraukie — Death and character of Dundee . . .312
LIST OF ILLUSTEATIONS
PAGE
ESCAPE OF CHARLES THE SECOND AFTER THE BATTLE OF
WORCESTER Frontispiece
TARTAN OF THE OGILVIE 32
TARTAN OF THE CAMPBELL 80
ARMORIAL BEARINGS 128
TARTAN OF THE MACINTYRE 161
DOUNE CASTLE 208
TARTAN OF THE GRAHAM 240
TARTAN OF THE FRASER 288
TARTAN OF 'THE CAMERON 320
VOLUME III CHAPTER I
MONTROSE LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR
THE successive victories of Montrose, in Scotland, •were more than counterbalanced by those of the Par- liamentary forces in England. Under different circum- stances, the success at Alford might have been attended with consequences the most important to the royal cause; but the defeat of the king, on the fourteenth of June, at Naseby, had raised the hopes of the Cove- nanters, and prepared their minds to receive the tidings of Baillie's defeat with coolness and moderation.
Upon the day on which the battle of Alford was fought, the Parliament had adjourned to Stirling from Edin- burgh, on account of a destructive pestilence which had reached the capital from Newcastle, by way of Kelso. Thither General Baillie, Lord Balcarras, and the Com- mittee of Estates, which had accompanied the cove- nanting army, repaired, to lay a statement of the late disaster before the Parliament, and to receive instruc- tions as to their future conduct. They arrived just as the Parliament was about sitting, and, with the excep- tion of Baillie, were well received. Balcarras, who had particularly distinguished himself in the battle at the head of his horse, received a vote of thanks, and a simi-
1
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
lar acknowledgment was, after some hesitation, awarded to Baillie, notwithstanding some attempts made to prejudice the Parliament against him. But the fact was, they could not dispense in the present emergency with an officer of the military talents of Baillie, who, instead of shrinking from responsibility for the loss of the battle of Alford, offered to stand trial before a court-martial, and to justify his conduct on that occa- sion. To have withheld, therefore, the usual token of approbation from him, while bestowing it upon an inferior officer, would have been to affix a stigma upon him which he was not disposed to brook consistently with the retention of the command of the army; and as the Parliament resolved to renew his commission, by appointing him to the command of the army then concentrating at Perth, they afterward professed their unqualified satisfaction with him.
After the battle of Alford, the army of Montrose was considerably diminished, in consequence of the Highlanders, according to custom, taking leave of absence, and returning home with the spoil they had taken from the enemy. This singular, though ordinary practice, contributed more to paralyze the exertions of Montrose, and to prevent him from following up his successes, than any event which occurred in the whole course of his campaigns, and it may appear strange that Montrose did not attempt to put an end to it; but the tenure by which he held the services of these hardy mountaineers being that they should be allowed their wonted privileges, any attempt to deviate from their established customs would have been an immediate signal for desertion.
As it would have been imprudent in Montrose, with forces thus impaired, to have followed the fugitives, who would receive fresh succours from the south, he,
2
MONTROSE LIEUTENANT - GOVERNOR
after allowing his men some time to refresh themselves, marched to Aberdeen, where he celebrated the funeral obsequies of his valued friend, Lord Gordon, with be- coming dignity.
The district of Buchan, in Aberdeenshire, which, from its outlying situation, had hitherto escaped assessment for the supply of the hostile armies, was at this time subjected to the surveillance of Montrose, who des- patched a party from Aberdeen into that country to collect all the horses they could find for the use of his army, and also to obtain recruits. About the same time, the Marquis of Huntly, who had been living in Strathnaver for some time, having heard of the death of his eldest son, Lord Gordon, meditated a return to his own country, intending to throw the influence of his name and authority into the royal scale. But as he might be exposed to danger in passing through countries which were hostile to the royal cause, it was arranged between Montrose and the Viscount Aboyne, who had just been created an earl, that the latter should proceed to Strathnaver, with a force of two thousand men to escort his father south. This expedition was, however, abandoned, in consequence of intelligence having been brought to Montrose that the Covenanters Were assembling in great strength at Perth.
The Parliament, which, as we have seen, had left Edinburgh, and gone to Stirling on account of the pesti- lence, had been obliged, in consequence of its appear- ance in Stirling, to adjourn to Perth, where it was to meet on the twenty-fourth of July; but before leaving Stirling, they ordered a levy of ten thousand foot to be raised in the shires to the south of the Tay, each of which shires was to furnish a proportionate number of men; and to ensure due obedience to this mandate, all noble- men, gentlemen, and heritors were required to attend at
3
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
Perth on or before that day well mounted, and to bring with them such forces as they could raise, under a heavy penalty.
On leaving Aberdeen, Montrose took up his quarters at Crabston, situated a few miles from Aberdeen, be- tween the Rivers Don and Dee, where he remained for some time in the expectation of being joined by rein- forcements from the Highlands under Major-General Macdonald, who had been absent about two months from the army in quest of recruits; but as these ex- pected succours did not arrive within the time expected, Montrose, impatient of delay, crossed the Dee, and marching over the Grampians, descended into the Mearns, and pitched his camp at Fordoun in Kincar- dineshire, celebrated for being the burial-place of St. Palladius, and the birthplace of Joannes a Fordun, author of the " Scoti-Chronicon." From thence he despatched a message to the Earl of Aboyne, who was at the time in Aberdeen, to join him with such forces as he had been able to raise. This order the earl immediately obeyed, but on his arrival at the camp with a very small party, Montrose immediately sent him back to the north with instructions to levy additional troops.
Proceeding on his march through Angus and Blair Gowrie to Dunkeld, Montrose had the good fortune to be successively joined by his cousin, Patrick Graham of Inchbrakie, at the head of the brave Athole Highland- ers, and by Macdonald, his major-general, who brought with him the chief of the Macleans, and about seven hundred of that clan, all animated by a strong feeling of animosity against Argyle and his partisans. He was also joined by John Muidartach, the celebrated captain of the Clan Ranald, at the head of five hundred of his men; by the Macgregors and Macnabs, headed by their respective chieftains; by the Clan Donald, under the
4
MONTROSE LIEUTENANT - GOVERNOR
command of the uncles of Glengarry and other officers, Glengarry himself, " who," says Bishop Wishart, " de- serves a singular commendation for his bravery and steady loyalty to the king, and his peculiar attachment to Montrose/' having never left Montrose since he joined him at the time of his expedition into Argyle. Besides all these, the Stewarts of Appin, some of the Farqu- harsons of Braemar, and small parties of inferior clans from Badenoch rallied round the standard of Montrose.
Having obtained these timeous reinforcements, Mont- rose now formed the design of marching upon Perth, and breaking up the Parliament, which had there as- sembled, and thereafter of proceeding to the south and dissipating the levies which were raising beyond the Tay. But the want of cavalry, an arm in which he was constantly deficient, formed a bar to this plan, and Montrose was, therefore, obliged to defer his project till he should be joined by the Earls of Aboyne and Airly, whom he expected soon with a considerable body of horse. In the meantime, Montrose crossed the Tay at Dunkeld, and encamped at Amulree. The cove- nanting army, with the exception of the garrison of Perth, was then lying on the south side of the Erne, and a body of four hundred horse was posted near the town for the protection of the Estates or Parliament.
This movement, on the part of Montrose, created some alarm in the minds of the Covenanters, which was greatly increased by a report from their horse, stationed in the neighbourhood of the town, who, seeing some of his scouts approach it, had fancied that he was going to storm it. While this panic was at its height, Mont- rose, who had no intention of attacking the town, raised his camp, and took up a position in the wood of Meth- ven, about five miles from Perth. During this move- ment, the town was thrown into a state of the greatest
5
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
consternation, from an apprehension that Montrose was about to attack it, and the nobility and the other members of the Parliament were earnestly solicited to secure their safety by a speedy flight, but the Estates remained firm, and could not be persuaded to abandon their posts. In order, if possible, still further to increase the panic in the town, Montrose advanced almost to the very gates of Perth with his horse the following day, which, although not exceeding a hundred, were made to appear formidable by the addition of the baggage horses, on which some musketeers were mounted. This act of bold defiance magnified the fears of those who were in the town, and made them imagine that Montrose was well provided in cavalry. The covenanting troops, therefore, were afraid to venture beyond the gates; and Montrose, having thus easily accomplished his object, was encouraged, still further, to cross the Erne .at Dupplin, when he openly reconnoitred the enemy's army on the south of that river, and surveyed the Strath with great deliberation and coolness without interrup- tion.
Both armies remained in their positions for several days without attempting anything, each waiting for reinforcements. During all this time, the enemy had been deceived respecting the strength of Montrose's horse, but having learned his weakness in that respect, and the deception which he had practised so successfully upon them, and being joined by three regiments from Fife, they resolved to offer him battle. Montrose, .liowever, from his great inferiority of numbers, particu- larly in horse, was not in a condition to accept the chal- lenge, and wisely declined it. Accordingly, when he ;saw the enemy advancing toward him, he prepared to retreat among the neighbouring mountains; but to deceive the enemy, and to enable him to carry off his
6
MONTROSE LIEUTENANT - GOVERNOR
baggage, he drew out his army as if he intended to fight, placing his horse in front, and securing the passes into the mountains with guards. While making these disposi- tions, he sent off his baggage toward the hills under an escort; and when he thought the baggage out of danger, he gave orders to his army to march off in close rank; and to cover its retreat and protect it from the cavalry of the enemy, he placed his horse, lined as usual with his best musketeers, in the rear.
As soon as Baillie, the covenanting general, perceived that Montrose was in full retreat, he despatched General Hurry with the cavalry in pursuit of him; but from a most unaccountable delay on Hurry's part in crossing the Powe, — so slow, indeed, had his movements been, that Baillie's foot overtook him at the fords of the Al- mond, — that Montrose had almost reached the passes of the mountains before he was overtaken. Chagrined at his easy escape, and determined to perform some strik- ing exploit before Montrose should retire into his fast- nesses, a body of three hundred of the best-mounted covenanting cavalry set off at full gallop after him, and attacked him with great fury, using at the same time the most insulting and abusive language. To put an end to this annoyance, Montrose selected twenty expert Highlanders, who from habit were good marks- men, and requested them to bring down some of the assailants. Accordingly, these marksmen advanced in a crouching attitude, concealing their guns, and having approached within musket-shot, they took deliberate aim, and soon brought down the more advanced of the party. This unexpected disaster made the assail- ants more cautious in their advances, and caused them to resolve upon an immediate retreat; but the marks- men were so elated with their success, that they actually pursued them down into the plain, "and. resolutely,
7
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
attacked the whole party, who putting spurs to their horses, fled with the utmost precipitation, like so many deer before the hunters." In this retreat Montrose did not lose a single man.
After giving over this fruitless pursuit, the enemy returned to Montrose's camp at Methven, where, accord- ing to Wishart, they committed a most barbarous act in revenge of their late affront, by butchering some of the wives of the Highlanders and Irish who had been left behind. Montrose took up his quarters at Little Dunkeld, both because he was there perfectly secure from the attacks of the enemy's cavalry, and because it was a convenient station to wait for the reinforcements of horse which he daily expected from the north under the Earls of Airly and Aboyne. Although both armies lay close together for several days, nothing was attempted on either side. The covenanting general now became quite disgusted with the service in consequence of the jealousies and suspicions which it was too evident the committee entertained of him, and an event occurred which increased his displeasure. This was the sudden return of the Fife men to their country, who preferred their domestic comforts to the vicissitudes of war, but. who unfortunately were, as we shall soon see, to be sacrificed at its shrine.
At length, the Earl of Aboyne, accompanied by Sir Nathaniel Gordon, arrived at Little Dunkeld, but with a force much inferior in numbers to that expected. They only brought two hundred horse and 120 musketeers, which last were mounted upon carriage horses. The smallness of their number was compensated, however, in a great measure by their steadiness and bravery. * The Earl of Airly, and his son, Sir David Ogilvy, joined Mont- rose at the same time, along with a troop of eighty horse, .consisting chiefly of gentlemen of the name of Ogilvy,.
8
MONTROSE LIEUTENANT - GOVERNOR
among whom was Alexander Ogilvy, son of Sir John Ogilvy of Innerquharity, a young man who had already distinguished himself in the field.
Never, at any former period of his eventful career, did the probabilities of ultimate success on the side of Montrose appear to greater advantage than now. His army, ardent and devoted to the royal cause, now amounted to nearly five thousand foot and about five hundred horse, the greater part of which consisted of brave and experienced warriors whom he had often led to victory. A considerable portion of his army was composed of some of the most valiant of the Highland clans, led by their respective chiefs, among whom the renowned captain of Clan Ranald, in himself a host, stood conspicuous. These last were animated by a feeling of the most unbounded attachment to what they considered the cause of their chiefs, and by a deadly spirit of revenge for the cruelties which the Covenanters under Argyle had exercised in the Highlands. The Mac- leans and the Athole Highlanders, in particular, longed for an opportunity of retaliating upon the covenanting partisans of Argyle, the injuries which they had re- peatedly received at his hands, and thereby wiping out the stain, which, as they conceived, had been cast upon them. But fortunate as Montrose now was in having such an army at his disposal, the chances in his favour were greatly enhanced by this lucky circumstance, that xvhereas, in his former campaigns, he had to watch the movements of different armies and to fight them in detail, he was now enabled, from having annihilated or dispersed the whole armies formerly opposed to him, to concentrate his strength and to direct all his energies to one point. The only bar, which now presented itself to the entire subjugation of Scotland to the authority of the king, was the army of Baillie, and the defeat or
9
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
destruction of this body now became the immediate object of Montrose. His resolution to attack the enemy was hastened by the receipt of information, that the Fife regiments had left Baillie's camp and returned home, and that the general himself was so dissatisfied with the conduct of the covenanting committee, who thwarted all his plans and usurped his authority, that he was about to resign the command of the army.
Montrose, therefore, without loss of time, raised his camp, and descending into the Lowlands, arrived at Logie Almond, where he halted his foot. From thence he went out with his cavalry to reconnoitre the enemy, and came in full view of them before sunset. They made no attempt to molest him, and tes- tified their dread of this unexpected visit by retiring within their lines. Early next morning, Montrose again rode out to make his observations, but was surprised to learn that the enemy had abandoned their camp at Methven during the night and had retired across the Erne, and taken up a position at Kilgraston near the bridge of Erne. Montrose immediately put his army in motion toward the Erne, which he crossed by the bridge of Nether Gask, about eight miles above Kilgraston. He then proceeded forward as far as the Kirk of Drone, by which movement he for the first time succeeded in throwing open to the operations of his army the whole of the country south of the Tay, from which the enemy had hitherto carefully excluded him. The enemy, alarmed at Montrose's approach, made every preparation for defending themselves by strengthen- ing the position in which they had entrenched themselves, and which, from the narrowness of the passes and the nature of the ground, was well adapted for sustaining an attack.
Montrose was most anxious to bring the enemy to
10
MONTROSE LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR
an engagement before they should be joined by a large levy then raising in Fife; but as they were too advan- tageously posted to be attacked with much certainty of success, and as he could not by any means induce them to leave their ground, he, after spending two or three days in fruitless attempts to entice them from their position, marched to Kinross for the double pur- pose of putting an end to the Fife levies and of withdrawing the enemy from their position, so as to afford him an opportunity of attacking them under more favourable circumstances. This movement had the effect of drawing Baillie from his stronghold, who cautiously followed Montrose at a respectful distance. In the course of his march, Baillie was again joined by the three Fife regiments. On arriving at Kinross in the evening, Montrose learned from an advanced party he had sent out to collect information through the coun- try, under the command of Colonel Nathaniel Gordon and Sir William Rollock, that the people of Fife were in arms, a piece of intelligence which made him resolve immediately to retrace his steps, judging it imprudent to risk a battle in such a hostile district. Although the men of Fife were stern Covenanters, and were ready to fight for the Covenant on their own soil, yet living for the most part in towns, and following out the sober pur- suits of a quiet and domestic life, they had no relish for war, and disliked the service of the camp. Hence the speedy return of the Fife regiments from the camp at Methven to their own country, and hence another reason which induced Montrose to leave their unfriendly soil, viz., that they would probably again abandon Baillie, should he attempt to follow Montrose in his progress west.
Accordingly, after remaining a night at Kinross, Montrose, the following morning, marched toward
11
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
Alloa, in the neighbourhood of which he arrived in the evening, and passed the night in the wood of Tully- body. The Irish plundered the town of Alloa, and the adjoining lordship, which belonged to the Earl of Mar; but, notwithstanding of this unprovoked outrage, the earl and Lord Erskine gave Montrose, the Earl of Airly, and the principal officers of the army an elegant enter- tainment in the castle of Alloa. Montrose, however, did not delay the march of his army while partaking of the hospitality of the Earl of Mar, but despatched Mac- donald immediately west to Stirling with the foot, retaining only the horse to serve him as a body-guard. In this route the Macleans laid waste the parishes of Muckhart and Dollar, of which the Marquis of Argyle- was the superior, and burnt Castle Campbell, the prin- cipal residence of the Argyle family in the Lowlands, in requital of similar acts done by the marquis and his followers in the country of the Macleans.
As the pestilence was still raging in the town of Stir- ling, Montrose avoided it altogether, lest his army might catch the infection. He halted within three miles of the town, where his army passed the night, and being ap- prised next morning, by one of Baillie's scouts who had been taken prisoner, that Baillie was close at hand with the whole of his army, Montrose marched quickly up to the fords of Frew, about eight miles above Stirling bridge, and there crossed the Forth. Pursuing his march the following morning in the direction of Glasgow, he made a short halt about six miles from Stirling, to ascertain the enemy's movements, and being informed that Baillie had not yet crossed the Forth, he marched to Kilsyth, where he encamped. During the day, Baillie passed the Forth by Stirling bridge, and marching for- ward, came within view of Montrose's army, and en- camped that evening within three miles of Kilsyth.
12
MONTROSE LIEUTENANT - GOVERNOR
The covenanting army had, in its progress westward, followed exactly the track of Montrose through the vale of the Devon. The Marquis of Argyle, availing himself of this circumstance, caused the house of Menstrie, the seat of the Earl of Stirling, the king's secretary, and that of Airthrie, belonging to Sir John Graham of Braco, to be burnt. This was done by way of retaliation for the destruction of Castle Campbell and the properties of his vassals by the Macleans. He, moreover, sent an insolent message to the Earl of Mar, notifying to him that, on the return of the army from the pursuit of Montrose, he, the earl, might calculate on having his castle also burnt, for the hospitality he had shown Montrose.
The conjecture of Montrose, that the Fife regiments would not cross the Forth, was not altogether without foundation. In fact, when they arrived near Stirling, they positively refused to advance farther, and excused themselves by alleging that they were raised on the express condition that they should not be called upon to serve out of their own shire, and that, having already advanced beyond its limits, they would on no account cross the Forth. But their obstinacy was overcome by the all-powerful influence of the ministers, who, in addition to the usual Scriptural appeals, " told them jolly tales that Lanark, Glencairn, and Eglinton were lifting an army to join them, and therefore entreated that they would, for only one day more, go out," until that army approached, when they should be discharged.
While the Fife regiments were thus persuaded to expose themselves to the unforeseen destruction which unfortunately awaited them, an incident occurred on the opposite bank of the Forth, which betokened ill for the future prospects of the covenanting army. This will be best explained by stating the matter in General
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Baillie's own words. " A little above the park (the* king's park at Stirling), I halted until the Fife regiments were brought up, hearing that the rebels were marching toward Kilsyth. After the upcoming of these regimentsr the Marquis of Argyle, Earl of Crawford, and Lord Burleigh, and, if I mistake not, the Earl of Tulliebardin, the Lords Elcho and Balcarras, with some others, came up. My lord marquis asked me what next was to be done. I answered, the direction should come from his lordship and those of the committee. My lord demanded what reason was for this. I answered, I found myself so slighted in everything belonging to a commander-in- chief, that, for the short time I was to stay with them, I would absolutely submit to their direction and follow it. The marquis desired me to explain myself, which. I did in these particulars, sufficiently known to my lord marquis and the other lords and gentlemen then present. I told his lordship: (1) Prisoners of all sorts were ex- changed without my knowledge; the traffickers therein received passes from others, and sometimes passing, within two miles of me, did neither acquaint me with their business, nor, at their return, where, or in what posture, they had left the enemy. (2) While I was pres- ent, others did sometimes undertake the command of the army. (3) Without either my order or knowledge, fire was raised, and that destroyed, which might have been a recompense to some good deserver, for which I would not be answerable to the public. All which things considered, I should in anything freely give my own opin- ion, but follow the judgment of the committee, and the rather because that was the last day of my undertaking." It is here necessary to state, by way of explanation, that Baillie had, in consequence of the previous conduct of the Committee, resigned his commission, and had only been induced, at the earnest solicitation of the
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Parliament, to continue his services for a definite period, Which, it appears, was just on the point of expiring.
The differences between Baillie and the Committee being patched up, the covenanting army proceeded on the fourteenth of August in the direction of Denny, and, having crossed the Carron at Hollandbush, en- camped, as we have stated, about three miles from Kilsyth.
Before the arrival of Baillie, Montrose had received information, which made him resolve to hazard a battle immediately. The intelligence he had obtained Was to this effect, that the Earls of Cassillis, Eglinton, and Glencairn, and other heads of the Covenanters, were actively engaged in levying forces in the west of Scot- land, and that the Earl of Lanark had already raised a body of a thousand foot and five hundred horse in Clydes- dale, among the vassals and dependents of the Hamil- ton family, and that this force was within twelve miles of Kilsyth.
Having taken his resolution, Montrose made the neces- sary arrangements for receiving the enemy, by placing his men in the best position which the nature of the ground afforded. In front of his position were several cottages and gardens of which he took possession. Bail- lie, seeing the advantageous position chosen by Mont- rose, would have willingly delayed battle till either the expected reinforcements from the west should arrive, or till Montrose should be induced to become the assail- ant; but his plans were overruled by Argyle and the other members of the Committee, who insisted that he should immediately attack Montrose. Accordingly, early in the morning, he put his army in motion from Hollandbush, and advanced near Auchinclogh, about two miles to the east of Kilsyth, where he halted. As the ground between him and Montrose was full of
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quagmires, which effectually prevented Montrose from attacking him in front, he proposed to take up a de- fensive position without advancing farther, and await an attack. But here, again, the Committee interposed, and when he was in the very act of arranging the sta- tions of his army, they advised him to take a position on a hill on his right, which they considered more suit- able. It was in vain that Baillie remonstrated against what he, and as the event showed, justly considered an imprudent advice, — the Committee were inexorable in their resolution, and Baillie had no alternative but to obey. In justice, however, to Lord Balcarras, it must be mentioned that he disapproved of the views of the Committee.
When Montrose saw the covenanting army approach from Hollandbush, he was exceedingly delighted, as, from the excellent state of his army, the courageous bearing of his men, and the advantage of his position, he calculated upon obtaining a decisive victory, which might enable him to advance into England and retrieve the affairs of his sovereign in that kingdom. But while Montrose was thus joyfully anticipating a victory, which, he flattered himself, would be crowned with results the most favourable to the royal cause, an inci- dent occurred which might have proved fatal to his hopes, had he not, with that wonderful self-possession and consummate prudence for which he was so distin- guished, turned that very incident to his own advantage. Among the covenanting cavalry was a regiment of cuirassiers, the appearance of whose armour, glittering in the sun, struck such terror into Montrose 's horse, that they hesitated about engaging with such formid- able antagonists, and, while riding along the line, to en- courage his men and give the necessary directions, Montrose heard his horse muttering among themselves
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and complaining that they were now for the first time to fight with men clad in iron, whose bodies would be quite impenetrable to their swords. The crisis was important, and not a moment was to be lost in removing the dan- gerous impression from their minds. To have led such a body of men into battle, labouring under the influence of fear, would have been to rush upon open destruction; and to have avoided battle, under such circumstances, sup- posing that a battle could have been avoided, would have been tantamount to a defeat. There have been but few commanders who would not have been disconcerted or embarrassed by an event so sudden and unexpected, and fewer still who could have, almost in an instant of time, by the mere dint of genius alone, revived the droop- ing spirits of their men; but Montrose is one of those very rare instances in which, by a singular combination of genius and presence of mind, under instant difficulties, those very. difficulties themselves are made subservient to their own removal. When the terror of a foe has once taken hold of the mind, it can only be sufficiently eradicated by supplanting it with a feeling of contempt for the object of its dread, and no man was better fitted by nature than Montrose for inspiring such a feeling into the minds of his troops. Accordingly, scarcely had the murmurings of his horse broken upon his ears, when he rode up to the head of his cavalry, and (pointing to the cuirassiers) thus addressed his men: " Gentlemen, these are the same men you beat at Alford, that ran away from you at Auldearn, Tippermuir, etc. ; they are such cowardly rascals that their officers could not bring them to look you in the face till they had clad them in armour; to show our contempt of them we'll fight them in our shirts." No sooner had these words been uttered, when, to add to the impression they could not fail to produce, Montrose threw off his coat and waistcoat
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with great vigour, and, drawing his sword with the mien of a hero, stood before his men, at once an object of their wonder and a model for their imitation. The effect was instantaneous. The example thus set by Montrose was immediately followed by the whole army, every man stripping himself to his shirt, and the cavalry, par- taking in the general enthusiasm, assured themselves of victory. As the day was uncommonly hot and op- pressive, the troops found great relief by disburdening themselves of their clothes, and the infantry were, in consequence, enabled to display greater agility in combat. The extraordinary appearance of Montrose's men, after they had parted with their clothes, excited the astonishment of the Covenanters, and as they could only attribute such a singular preparation for battle to a fixed determination on the part of the Royalists to conquer or to die, fearful doubts arose in their minds as to the probable result of the contest in which they were just about to engage.
In moving to take up the new position which had been assigned to Baillie's army by the Committee, the utmost disorder prevailed among the covenanting army, which the general was unable to correct. Indeed, so unruly had the troops become, that some regiments, instead of taking the stations assigned to them by the com- mander, took up, at the suggestion of Argyle, quite different ground, while others, in utter disregard of Baillie's instructions, actually selected positions for themselves. Thus, at the moment the battle was about to begin, Baillie found all his plans completely overruled, and as he now saw how utterly impossible it then was for him to carry any of his contemplated arrangements into effect, he was necessitated to engage Montrose under the most unfavourable circumstances.
The covenanting general, however, might have so
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accommodated himself in the unexpected dilemma in which he had been placed as to have prevented the dis- astrous result which followed, had not his horse regi- ments, from an impression that Montrose had begun a retreat, rashly commenced the action before all the infantry had come up, by attempting to carry the cot- tages and gardens in which the advanced guard of Mont- rose was placed. Although they made a violent charge, they were as warmly received by Montrose's musketeers, who, being protected by the dikes and enclosures, kept up such a galling fire upon their assailants as to oblige them to retreat with precipitation and some loss.
A body of about a thousand Highlanders, who were posted next to Montrose's advanced guard, became so suddenly elated with this success that, without waiting for orders from Montrose, they immediately ran up that part of .the hill where the main body of the cove- nanting army was posted. Montrose was highly dis- pleased with the Highlanders for this rash act, which seemed to threaten them with instant destruction; but there was no time for remonstrance, and as he saw an absolute necessity for supporting this intrepid body, he stifled his displeasure, and began to consider how he could most effectually afford that support. Owing to the tardy advance of the enemy's rear, it was some little time before the covenanting army attacked this resolute body. At length, three troops of horse and a body of about two thousand foot were seen advancing against them, and in a short time both parties closed upon each other. The Highlanders, as usual, displayed great in- trepidity and firmly maintained their ground; but as it was evident to Montrose that they could not long with- stand the overwhelming force opposed to them, and as their defeat might have the most injurious effect upon the rest of his army, Montrose resolved immediately
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to send a force to their relief; but, when giving orders for that purpose, he was exceedingly mortified to find that there existed a general unwillingness among his men to engage in a piece of service which they considered ex- tremely hazardous. Many even positively refused, when ordered, to undertake such a duty; but, notwithstanding of this embarrassment, Montrose did not lose his accus- tomed presence of mind. After several ineffectual attempts to induce different parties of his army to vol- unteer in defence of the brave men who were struggling for their existence within view of their companions in arms, Montrose, as a dernier ressort, appealed to his tried friend, the Earl of Airly, in behalf of the rash men who had thus exposed themselves to imminent danger. He represented to him the perilous situation in which they had, by their imprudence, placed themselves, — that, if not immediately supported, they would assuredly be destroyed by the enemy's horse, and that as the eyes of the whole army were in this conjuncture directed toward him, the earl, as the fittest officer, indeed the only one who, from tried experience, joined to great discretion, could extricate the Highlanders from the perils which beset them, he begged of him, in the name of God, to perform the duty expected of him. This appeal to the chivalrous feelings of the venerable earl met with a ready and willing response from him, and after stating his readiness to undertake the duty assigned him, he im- mediately put himself at the head of a troop of his own horse, commanded by Colonel John Ogilvy of Baldavie, who had distinguished himself in the Swedish service, and rode off with great speed toward the enemy. He instantly ordered his squadron to charge the enemy's .horse, who stood the attack with firmness at first, but they could not long withstand the impetuous bravery of the Ogilvies, and were forced to retire. The Earl of
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Airly did not allow them an opportunity of rallying, but kept pressing so closely upon them that they got entangled among the covenanting foot, which they put into disorder.
As soon as Baillie perceived that his horse were falling back, he endeavoured to bring up his reserve to support them; but this body, which consisted chiefly of the Fife militia, became so alarmed at the retreat of the horse, that they immediately abandoned their ranks and fled. On the other hand, the rest of Montrose's men, encour- aged by the success of the Ogilvies, could no longer restrain themselves, and, rushing forward upon the enemy with a loud shout, completed the disorder. The wild appearance of the Royalists, who were almost in a state of complete nudity, — for, with the exception of the cavalry, who had thrown off merely their upper garments, the whole of Montrose's troops had cast away every article of their apparel but their shirts, — added to the dreadful yells which they set up, created such a panic among the astonished Covenanters, that, in an instant, and as if by a simultaneous impulse, every man threw away his arms, and endeavoured to secure his personal safety by flight. In the general rout which ensued, the covenanting horse, in their anxiety to es- cape, galloped through the flying foot, and trampled many of their companions in arms almost to death.
In the pursuit which followed, Montrose's men cut down the defenceless Covenanters without mercy, and so great was the carnage, that, out of a body of upwards of six thousand foot, probably not more than a hundred escaped with their lives. The Royalists were so intent upon hewing down the unfortunate foot, that a consid- erable part of the cavalry effected their escape. Some of them, however, in the hurry of their flight, having ran unawares into a large morass, called Dolater bog, now
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forming a part of the bed of the Forth and Clyde canal, there perished, and, many years afterward, the bodies of men and horses were dug up from the bog, without any marks of decomposition; and there is a tradition still current, that one man was found upon horseback, fully attired in his military costume, in the very posture in which he had sunk. Very few prisoners were taken, and with the exception of Sir William Murray of Blebo, James Arnot, brother to Lord Burleigh, and Colonels Dyce and Wallace, and a few other gentlemen, who received quarter, and, after being well-treated by Mont- rose, were afterward released upon parole, all the officers of the covenanting army escaped. Some of them fled to Stirling, and took temporary refuge in the castle; others galloped down to the south shore of the Frith of Forth. Among the latter, Argyle was the most conspicu- ous, who, according to Bishop Guthry, " never looked over his shoulder until, after twenty miles riding, he reached the South Queensferry, where he possessed him- self of a boat again." Wishart sarcastically observes, that this was the third time that Argyle had " saved himself by means of a boat; and, even then, he did not reckon himself secure till they had weighed anchor and carried the vessel out to sea."
The whole of the baggage, arms, and stores belonging to the covenanting army were captured by the Royalists. The loss on the side of Montrose was, as usual, extremely trifling, amounting only to six or eight men, three of whom were of the Ogilvies, who fell in the charge which decided the fortune of the day.
The news of this disastrous and melancholy victory speedily spread throughout the kingdom and filled it with mourning. The plague, which had devastated some of the most populous of the covenanting districts, was still carrying on its depopulating career, and the
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spirits of the people, already broken and subdued under that afflicting scourge of Providence, were reduced to a state almost bordering on despair when they received the afflicting intelligence of the utter annihilation of an army on which their only hopes Were placed. No alternative, therefore, now remained for them but un- conditional submission to the conqueror, by throwing themselves entirely upon the clemency of Montrose, and accordingly, deputies were sent to him from differ- ent parts of the kingdom, to assure him of the return of the people to their allegiance to the king, to proffer their obedience to Montrose as his lieutenant, and to offer him assistance in support of the royal cause. The no- bility and other persons of note who had hitherto kept aloof, or whose loyalty had been questionable, also crowded to the royal standard to congratulate Montrose upon the favourable aspect of affairs and to offer their services.
While at Kilsyth, two commissioners, Sir Robert Douglas and Mr. Archibald Fleming, commissary, ar- rived at Montrose's camp on the part of the inhabitants of Glasgow, to obtain favour and forgiveness, by con- gratulating him upon his success, and inviting him to visit their city. Montrose received these commissioners and the other numerous deputations and individuals who afterward waited on him, not merely with courtesy but with kindness, and promised to bury all past occur- rences in perfect oblivion, but on the condition that they should return to their allegiance and conduct them- selves in future as loyal subjects. " The whole country now," says Wishart, " resounded Montrose's praise. His unparalleled magnanimity and bravery, his happiness in devising his plan of operations, and his quickness in executing them, his unshaken resolution and intrepidity even in the greatest dangers, and his patience in bear-
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ing the severest hardships and fatigues; his faithfulness and strict observance of his promises to such as sub- mitted, and his clemency toward his prisoners; in short, that heroic virtue which displayed itself in all his actions, was extolled to the skies, and filled the mouths of all ranks of men, and several poems and panegyrics were wrote upon this occasion." It is believed, however, that there was little sincerity in these professions.
This submission of the people was accelerated by the dispersion of the covenanting nobility, an event which put a temporary end to the government which they had established. Argyle, Crawford, Lanark, and others sought protection in Berwick and Glencairn, and Cassil- lis took refuge in Ireland.
• Montrose might have now marched directly upon, and seized the capital, where many of his friends were con- fined as prisoners; but he considered it of more impor- tance to march to the west and disperse some levies which were there raising. Accordingly, after refreshing his troops two days at Kilsyth, he despatched a strong body under the command of Macdonald, his major- general, into Ayrshire to suppress a rising under the Earls of Cassillis and Glencairn; and with the remainder of his army he proceeded toward Glasgow, which he entered amidst the general acclamations of the citizens. Here Montrose immediately commenced an inquiry into the conduct of the leading Covenanters of the city, some of whom he put to death as a terror to others, a circumstance which detracts from the usual clemency of Montrose, but perhaps he considered it necessary to show an example of rigour among a population on whose fidelity he probably placed little reliance. Mont- rose remained only a day in Glasgow, and encamped the following day on Bothwell moor, about twelve miles from the city. His object in doing so was to put an end
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to some excesses on the part of his Irish and Highland troops, in which they were beginning to indulge, and which from the precarious tenure of their services, and his inability to pay them, he could not venture to control by the severities of martial law. And as he was apprehensive that some of his men might lurk behind, or visit the city for the purpose of plunder, he allowed the inhabitants to form a guard among themselves to protect it. The citizens, in gratitude for the favour and clemency thus shown them, presented Montrose with the sum of 10,000 merks.
In the meantime, Major-General Macdonald arrived in Ayrshire, where he was received with open arms. The levies which had been raised in the west quietly dispersed, and the Earls of Cassillis and Glencairn fled to Ireland. The Countess of Loudon, whose husband had acted a conspicuous part against the king, received Macdonald with great kindness at Loudon castle, and not only embraced him in her arms, but entertained him with great splendour and hospitality; and she even sent a servant to Montrose to offer her respects to him.
During Montrose's stay at Both well, where he re- mained till the fourth of September, he was waited upon by many of the nobility in person, to congratulate him upon his recent victory, and to tender their services. Others sent similar communications by their friends. The Marquis of Douglas, the Earls of Linlithgow and Annandale, the Lords Seton, Drummond, Fleming, Maderty, Carnegie and Johnston were among the first who came forward. Deputations also arrived from the shires of Linlithgow, Lanark, Renfrew, and Ayr, and also from the towns of Greenock, Ayr, and Irvine, to implore forgiveness for past offences, and to give pledges for their future loyalty. Montrose received them all
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very graciously, and relying upon their assurances, granted them an amnesty.
Montrose expected that the city of Edinburgh, which had been the focus of rebellion, would have followed the example of Glasgow and the other towns; but whether from obstinacy or from the dread of a refusal of pardon, the authorities did not send commissioners to Montrose, and it was not until a body of the Royalist horse appeared within four miles of the city, that they resolved to proffer their submission, and to throw themselves on the mercy of the conqueror. The following interesting and circumstantial account of Montrose's intentions, with regard to the city, and of the conduct of the inhab- itants on this trying occasion, 'is given by Doctor Wishart, who was, at the time in question, a prisoner in the jail of Edinburgh.
" Montrose's first and principal concern, after the victory at Kilsyth, was about his friends in prison. His generous soul was touched with their miserable condition; they had continued long under the hardships of a nasty and squalid imprisonment in the tolbooth of Edinburgh, and had been condemned to death for no other alleged crime, but their loyalty to their sovereign, and were daily expecting the execution of this sentence. He, therefore, despatched his nephew, Archibald, master of Napier, and Nathaniel Gordon, with a select body of horse, to Edinburgh, in order to summon the city to surrender, to secure its obedience and fidelity, and to set the prisoners at liberty; but if they refused to sub- mit, then their orders were to attack them with fire and sword. When they came within four miles of the town they stopped, not intending to approach nearer, unless they were obliged by the obstinacy of the citizens; this they did, both to preserve the city and its inhabit- ants from the fury and rapacious insolence of their
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soldiers, who, considering it as the chief spring and fomenter of this accursed rebellion, might, in the trans- ports of their rage and fury, be hurried to commit the greatest cruelties, and perhaps set the city on flames, and consume it to ashes; a thing Montrose had prin- cipally cautioned them to guard against; as also to preserve their own men from the infection of the plague, which then raged in that place and neighbourhood, and daily cut off great numbers.
" When the news of their approach reached the town, an universal consternation seized all ranks; they de- spaired of obtaining terms, and appeared as frantic as if the city had been already in a blaze, and an enraged enemy murdering and destroying within its gates. Many, conscious of their guilt, accused themselves as sacrilegious, perjured and ungrateful traitors, and un- worthy of that clemency and forgiveness for which they so ardently prayed.
" They privately made application to the prisoners, and, in the most humble manner, entreated them, out of compassion to the place, which was already ruined by the pestilence, and to the miserable remains of the inhabitants, that they would intercede for them with Montrose, and by their good offices avert that rage, which they now acknowledged they had justly provoked. All their hopes, they said, were centred in their under- taking this generous office, as the only mean to preserve a sinking city from utter destruction. They acknowl- edged themselves guilty of all the crimes laid to their charge, but solemnly protested, that should they at this time experience his clemency and goodness, they should atone for their former rebellion by the most exemplary loyalty and implicit duty and obedience. The prisoners, whom, not long before, even the meanest of the mob had treated in the most contemptible and despiteful manner,
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and had devoted to the gibbet, unmindful of the cruef treatment they had received, further than that the sensi- ble remembrance of it prompted them to return thanks to God for thus bringing about their preservation and deliverance at a time when they so little expected it, en- couraged their enemies, and told them, that neither the king himself, nor Montrose, his lieutenant, had any pleasure in the ruin and destruction of his subjects, but earnestly wished and laboured for their safety and pros- perity, could they be only brought to see it themselves. They advised them forthwith to send commissioners to Montrose, to implore his pardon, as nothing could more effectually contribute to mollify the heart of a conqueror than a speedy submission; promising to intercede with Montrose in their behalf; and they did not doubt but his great and generous soul would allow itself to be over- come with the humble entreaties and supplications of a distressed city.
"The citizens of Edinburgh, thus encouraged with hopes of success, immediately convened the town council, in order to make choice of proper commissioners to send to Montrose. Among the prisoners there were two- especially eminent for their high birth, and thoroughly acquainted with Montrose. The first of these was Lu- dovick, Earl of Crawfurd, chief of the ancient and noble family of the Lindesays, a person famous for his military achievements abroad, in the Swedish, Austrian, and Spanish services. The Earl of Lindesay, his cousin, from an ambition to attain to the title and honours of Crawfurd, thirsted for his blood, and had such address and influence with the Covenanters as to get him con- demned. The only crime they laid to his charge, was? that he had served the king, his master, with the great- est fidelity and bravery, in his capacity as a soldier, and they feared would still do so, were he left alive.
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The other was James, Lord Ogilvy, son to the Earl of Airly, who was very highly esteemed by Montrose, and was, besides, odious to the rebels, both for his own and his father's courage and power. And, as he was a declared enemy to Argyle, both on account of the ancient animosities that subsisted betwixt the families, and some recent injuries they had received from Argyle, he was, therefore, accused of the same crime with Crawfurd, and condemned to the same punishment. The council of Edinburgh made choice of these two noblemen from among the prisoners, and set them at liberty, earnestly imploring them to use their interest with the lord-governor in their behalf, and assist their deputies in obtaining their request, thereby to preserve a city, already sore afflicted with the avenging hand of Heaven; at the same time wishing destruction to themselves and their posterity, if ever they should prove unmindful of the favour, or ungrateful to their bene- factors.
" These two noblemen cheerfully undertook this office, to the great satisfaction of the whole city, and, having joined the delegates, went out to meet the master of Napier. In his way toward Edinburgh, Napier had released his father and spouse, Sir George Stirling of Keir, his brother-in-law, and his sisters, from the prison •of Linlithgow, to which they had been sent by the Covenanters from the castle of Edinburgh; and, now being attended with this agreeable company and by the city delegates, Mr. Napier returned directly to his uncle.
" Montrose was transported with joy at the sight of Jiis dearest friends, Crawfurd and Ogilvy, whom he met with the tenderest embraces of friendship, having been so long deprived of their company and assistance. He congratulated them on their safety and deliverance, .and gave them all the respect and accommodation
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possible, as a consolation, in some degree, for their long, confinement. On the other hand, they expressed the utmost gratitude to him, and extolled him as their avenger and deliverer; both parties thus seeming to vie- with one another in mutual expressions of their affec- tion and esteem.
" The city delegates were then admitted to audience; they made a free surrender to him of the town, and humbly deprecated his vengeance and implored his pardon and forgiveness, promising, in name of the whole inhabitants, an inviolable fidelity and obedience for the future, and commit ting themselves and all their concerns to his patronage and protection, which they humbly entreated he would grant them. They promised, also, immediately to release all the prisoners in their custody, and desired him to assure himself that any- thing else he should desire of them should be instantly complied with. The town, they said, had been almost depopulated by a dreadful plague, so that no supplies of men could be expected from it; but they were ready to contribute all they could to defray the expense of what troops he might raise in other places. Above all, they most earnestly implored him to intercede for them with their most gracious and merciful king, to obtain his pity and pardon, and that he would not condemn the whole city for the crime of rebellion, hi which they had been involved by the craft and example of a few seditious men, armed with power and authority. Mont- rose gave them reason to hope for the royal forgiveness, and the only conditions he required of them, were, sa- credly to observe their loyalty and allegiance to his Majesty for the future; to renounce all correspondence with the rebels, whether within or without the kingdom; the castle of Edinburgh, which he well knew was then in their power, he required they should surrender to the
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king's officers; and that, as soon as the delegates re- turned to the city, all the prisoners should be immedi- ately set at liberty, and sent to his camp."
Although the commissioners agreed to these condi- tions, and promised to perform them, the only one they ever fulfilled was that which stipulated the release of the prisoners, who were immediately on the return of the commissioners sent to Montrose's camp, — hi the non-fulfilment of which conditions they were guilty of a piece of deceit, which, says Wishart, " was agreeable to their usual perfidy and ingratitude." Indeed, it was scarcely to be expected from the character of the times, that the citizens of Edinburgh, who had all along been warm partisans of the covenanting interest, would show a readiness to comply with stipulations which had been extorted from their commissioners, under the circum- stances we have mentioned.
While at Bothwell Montrose received different com- munications from the king, who was then at Oxford. The most important of these were two commissions under the great seal, one appointing Montrose captain- general, and lieutenant-governor of Scotland, and conferring on him full powers to raise forces, punish state offenders, and make knights, etc., and the other authorizing him to summon a Parliament to meet at Glasgow, to settle the affairs of the kingdom. The bearer of these important documents was Sir Robert Spottiswood, formerly president of the court of session, and who now acted as secretary of state for Scotland. As a person so well known as Sir Robert could not travel by any of the ordinary roads without risk of apprehen- sion, he took a circuitous route from Oxford, passing through Wales, and from thence crossing over to the Isle of Man, he took shipping and landed in the West Highlands. From Lochaber he proceeded down into
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THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
Athole, whence he was conducted by a party of Athole men to Montrose, at Bothwell Moor.
The instructions brought by Sir Robert Spottiswood, regarding the holding of a Parliament and the matters connected therewith, were in the meantime superseded by orders from the king of a later date, brought by a more direct route. By these he was directed to march immediately to the borders, where he would, it was said, be joined by the Earls of Roxburghe, Traquair, and Home, and the other Royalist nobility of the Southern ehires at the head of their numerous vassals and tenants, as well as by a body of horse which his Majesty would send from England, and that with these united forces, he should watch the motions of General David Leslie, who was advancing to the north with a body of six thou- sand cavalry. In fact, Leslie, who had acquired great celebrity by his conduct in the battle of Long Marston Moor, had reached Berwick in the beginning of Septem- ber, having been called thither on his road to Hereford by the covenanting nobility, who had taken refuge there after the battle of Kilsyth.
Pursuant to raising his camp for the Tweed, Montrose reviewed his army on the third of September, on which occasion Sir Robert Spottiswood delivered to him the commission, appointing him his Majesty's lieutenant- governor for Scotland, and general of all his Majesty's forces, " in a respectful manner under the royal stand- ard." Montrose, on receiving this and the other com- mission, delivered them to Archibald Primrose, who had acted as clerk to the Committee of Estates, and had lately joined Montrose, to be proclaimed to the army. After these commissions had been read, Montrose addressed his army in a short and feeling speech, in the course of which he took occasion to praise their bravery and loy- alty, and expressed great affection for them. In con-
32
TLAND
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MONTROSE LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR
elusion, addressing Macdonald, his major-general, he bestowed upon him the tribute of his praise, and by virtue of the power with which he had been invested, conferred the honour of knighthood upon Macdonald, in presence of the whole army. Little did Montrose imagine, that the man whose services he was now so justly rewarding had resolved immediately to abandon him, and, under the pretence of avenging some injuries which his friends had sustained at the hands of Argyle four years before, to quit for ever the service of his royal master.
Montrose's ranks had, before the review alluded to, been thinned by private desertions among the High- landers, who carried off with them all the booty they had been able to collect; but as soon as Montrose an- nounced his intention, in terms of the instructions he had received from the king, to march south, the High- landers in a body demanded liberty to return home, for a short time, to repair their houses, which had been reduced to ruins by the enemy, and to provide a stock of provisions for their wives and families during the ensuing winter. To induce Montrose to comply the more readily with their request, they promised to return to his camp within forty days, and to bring some of their friends along with them. As Montrose saw that the Highlanders had formed a determined resolution to de- part, and that consequently any attempt to retain them would be unavailing, he dissembled the displeasure he felt, and after thanking them in the king's name for their services, and entreating them to return to him as soon as possible, he granted them leave of absence with apparent good-will. But when Sir Alaster Macdonald also announced his intention to return to the Highlands, Montrose could not conceal his chagrin, and strongly remonstrated against such a step. " Montrose " (says
33
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
Guthry) " dealt most seriously with him to have stayed until they had been absolute conquerors, promising then to go thither himself, and be concurring with him in punishing them (Argyle and his party) as they deserved; and withal told him, that his separating at this time must be the occasion of ruin to them both. But all was to no purpose; he would needs be gone, and for a reason enlarged himself in reckoning up the Marquis of Argyle's cruelties against his friends, who, as he said, did four years ago draw his father and brother to Inverary upon trust, and then made them prisoners; and since (his friends having retired to the Isles of Jura and Rachlin, for shelter) sent Ardkinlass and the captain of Skipness, to the said isles to murder them, which (said he) they did without mercy, sparing neither women nor children. With such disclosures he justified his departure, and would not be hindered." Macdonald, accordingly, after returning thanks to Montrose in a formal oration for the favours he had received, and pledging himself for the early return of the Highlanders, departed for the Highlands on the day of the review, accompanied by upwards of three thousand Highlanders, the 6lite of Montrose's army, and by 120 of the best of the Irish troops, whom he had selected as a body-guard.
The desertion of such a large body of men, consisting of the flower of his army, was a subject of the deepest concern to Montrose, whose sole reliance for support against the powerful force of Leslie, now depended upon the precarious succours he might obtain on his march to the south. Under such circumstances, a com- mander more prudent than Montrose would have hesi- tated about the course to be pursued in such an unlocked for emergency, and would probably have either remained for some time in his position, till the levies raising in the south should assemble, or retreated across the Forth,
34
MONTROSE LIEUTENANT - GOVERNOR
and there awaited for reinforcements from the north; but the ardent and chivalrous feelings of Montrose so blinded him, as to make him altogether disregard pru- dential considerations, and the splendour of his victories had dazzled his imagination so much, as to induce him to believe that he had only to engage the enemy to defeat them.
Accordingly, on the day following the departure of the Highlanders, viz., the fourth of September, Montrose began his march to the south ; but he had not proceeded far, when he had the mortification to find himself also abandoned by the Earl of Aboyne, who not only carried off the whole of his own men, but induced the other horsemen of the north, who were not of his party, to accompany him. Of the Gordons, Sir Nathaniel Gordon appears to have been the only individual of that name who remained behind. The cause of such a hasty pro- ceeding on the part of the Earl of Aboyne does not sufficiently appear; but it seems probable, that his lordship had taken some offence at Montrose, who, according to a partisan of the Gordon family, arrogated to himself all the honour of the victories which the earl had greatly contributed to obtain.
The army of Montrose was now reduced to a mere handful of men, consisting only of about two hundred gentlemen who had joined him at Bothwell, and seven hundred foot, chiefly Irish. Yet he resolved to proceed on his march, and reached Cranstoun-Kirk in Mid- Lothian, on Saturday, the sixth of September, where he received intelligence that General David Leslie had arrived at Berwick with a great body of cavalry. He encamped at Cranstoun-Kirk with the intention of remaining there over the Sunday, and hearing Doctor Wishart preach; but having, the following morning, been put in possession of a correspondence between.
35,
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
Leslie and the heads of the Covenanters, at Berwick, which developed their plans, without waiting for sermon, he quickly raised his camp and advanced into Strath- gala. A more imprudent step than this cannot be well conceived, as Montrose threw his little band into the jaws of Leslie, who was laying ready to pounce upon him. In his march along Gala-water, he was joined by the Marquis of Douglas and Lord Ogilvy at the head of a small party, the remains of a larger body which had been diminished by desertion. Montrose was waited upon at Galashiels by the Earl of Traquair, who professed the most fervent attachment to the king, and promised to obtain information for him respecting Leslie's move- ments, and, in proof of his sincerity, sent his son Lord Linton with a troop of well-mounted horse, who joined him the following day.
From Galashiels Montrose marched to Kelso, where he expected to be joined by the Earls of Home and Roxburghe, and their vassals; but on his arrival there, he was surprised to find that these two noblemen had taken no measures to raise the levies they had promised. He, therefore, resolved to pay them a visit, to compel them to fulfil their engagements; but anticipating such a step, they had allowed themselves to be made volun- tary prisoners by a party of Leslie's horse and carried to Berwick. Roxburghe, whom Wishart calls " a cunning old fox," was the contriver of this artful scheme, which, while it secured him and his colleague Home the favour of the Covenanters, was intended to induce the king to believe that they were suffering for their loyalty.
This act of perfidy opened the eyes of Montrose to the danger of his situation, and made him instantly resolve to retrace his steps, so as to prevent his retreat to the north being cut off by David Leslie, who had by this time crossed the Tweed. He, therefore, marched from
MONTROSE LIEUTENANT - GOVERNOR
Kelso westward to Jedburgh, and from thence to Sel- kirk, where he arrived on the twelfth of September, and encamped that night in a wood, called Hareheadwood, in the neighbourhood of the town at the head of a long and level piece of ground called Philiphaugh, on the north bank of the Ettrick. Montrose himself, with his horse, took up his quarters in the town.
The position thus selected by Montrose was well- calculated to prevent his being taken by surprise, as Leslie, from the direction he had necessarily to advance, could only approach it by coming up the open vale of Philiphaugh; but unfortunately, Montrose did not, on this occasion, take those extraordinary precautions which he had been accustomed to do. It had always been his practice hitherto, to superintend in person the setting of the night watches, and to give instructions himself to the sentinels, and to the scouts he sent out, to watch the motions of the enemy; but having important letters to write to the king, which he was desirous of sending off before the break of day by a trusty messenger, he en- trusted these details to his cavalry officers, whom he exhorted to great vigilance, and to take care that the scouts kept a sharp outlook for the enemy. Montrose had the utmost confidence in the wisdom and integrity of his officers, whose long experience in military affairs he had many times witnessed; and as there seemed to be no immediate danger, he thought that, for one night at least, he could safely leave the direction of affairs to such men.
While occupied during the night preparing his des- patches for the king, Montrose received several loose reports, from time to time, respecting the alleged move- ments of the enemy, of which he sent due notice to his officers, but he was as often assured, both by the reports of his officers and of the scouts, that not a vestige of an
37
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
enemy was to be seen. Thus the night passed without any apparent foundation for the supposition that the enemy was at hand, and to make assurance. doubly sure, some of the fleetest of the cavalry were sent out at break of day to reconnoitre. On their return, they stated that they had examined with care all the roads and passes for ten miles round, and solemnly averred, that there was not the least appearance of an enemy within the range they had just scoured. Yet singular as the fact may ap- pear, Leslie was lying at that veiy time at Melrose, with four thousand horse, within six miles of Montrose's •camp.
It appears that on the day of Montrose's march from Jedburgh, General Leslie, who had a few days before crossed the Tweed at Berwick, held a council of war at Gladsmuir in East Lothian, at which it was determined that he should proceed toward Stirling to cut off Mont- rose's retreat to the Highlands, whither it was supposed that he meant instantly to retire, for the purpose of •obtaining reinforcements. But the council had scarcely risen, when letters were brought to Leslie, communica- ting to him the low and impaired state of Montrose's ;forces, and his design of marching into Dumfriesshire :to procure an accession of strength. On receiving this intelligence, Leslie abandoned his plan of marching northward, and ordering his army to turn to the left, he immediately marched to the south, and entering the vale of Gala, proceeded to Melrose, where he took up his quarters for the night, intending to attack Mont- rose's little band next morning, in the hope of annihi- lating it altogether. Who the traitor was, who made the •communication in question to the covenanting general, is a point which has never been ascertained. Both Wishart and Guthry suspect that the Earl of Traquair •was the guilty person, and they rest their conjecture
38
MONTROSE LIEUTENANT - GOVERNOR
upon the circumstance of his having withdrawn during the night (without acquainting Montrose) the troop of horse under his son, Lord Linton, but this is not sufficient, of itself, to infer such a criminal act.
But the most extraordinary and unaccountable cir- cumstance which preceded the battle of Philiphaugh was this, that although Leslie was within six miles of Montrose's camp, neither the scouts nor the cavalry, who are stated to have scoured the country four miles beyond the place where Leslie lay, could discover, as they reported, any traces of him. Did the scouts de- ceive Montrose, or did they not proceed in the direction of Leslie's camp, or did they confine their perambula- tions within a more limited range? These are questions which it is impossible to answer with any degree of certainty. But what is to be said of the cavalry who, h:,ving made their observations at daybreak, and con- fessedly several miles beyond their enemy's camp, re- turned as. luckless as the midnight scouts? The only plausible answer that can be given to this question is, either that they had not visited the neighbourhood of Melrose, or that a thick mist, which prevailed on the morning of the thirteenth of September, had obscured the enemy from their view. However, be this as it may, certain it is that owing to the thickness of the fog, Leslie was enabled to advance, unobserved, till he came within half a mile of Montrose's headquarters. On the alarm occasioned by this sudden and unexpected appearance of the enemy, Montrose instantly sprung upon the first horse that he met, and galloped off to his camp. On his arrival, he fortunately found that all his men, though the hour was very early, had risen, but considerable disorder prevailed in the camp in consequence of prep- arations they were making for an immediate march into Dumfriesshire in terms of instructions they had
39
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
received the previous evening. The cavalry, however, were quite dismounted, some of the officers were absent, and their horses were scattered through the adjoining fields taking their morning repast. Short as the time was for putting his small band in a defensive position, Mont- rose acted with his accustomed presence of mind, and before the enemy commenced his attack, Montrose had succeeded in drawing up his men in order of battle, in the position which they had occupied the preceding night. Nothing but self-preservation, on which the cause of the king, his master, was chiefly dependent, could have justified Montrose in attempting to resist the powerful force now about to assail him. With about a thousand foot and five hundred horse, the greater part of which was composed of raw and undisciplined levies hastily brought into the field, and lukewarm in the cause, he had to resist the attack of a body of about six thousand veteran troops, chiefly English cavalry, who had distinguished themselves at the battle of Marston-moor, who, though they could make no addition to their laurels by defeating such a handful of men, may be supposed to have been especially desirous of annihilating the remains of an army which had been so long formidable and victorious.
The covenanting general began the battle by charging Montrose' s right wing, consisting of horse, with the great body of his cavalry; but so firmly was the charge re- ceived by the brave Cavaliers with Montrose at their head, that the assailants were forced to retire with loss. A second charge met a similar fate. Thus foiled in their attempts on the right, they next attacked Montrose' s left wing, consisting of foot, which, after a gallant re- sistance, retired a little up the face of the hill, where it was'posted, to avoid the attacks of the cavalry. While this struggle was going on on the left, a body of two-
40
MONTROSE LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR
thousand of the covenanting foot, which had made a cir- cuitous route, appeared in the rear of the right wing, which they attacked. The right wing, not being able to resist this force, and apprehensive that a new attack would be made upon them by the enemy's cavalry, and that they would thus be surrounded and perhaps cut to pieces, fled from the field. The foot who had taken up a position on the side of the hill, being thus abandoned to their fate, surrendered themselves as prisoners of war after a slight resistance; but horrible to tell, they were afterward shot by orders of the covenanting general, at the instigation, it is said, of some Presbyterian ministers, who declared that no faith should be kept with such persons.
Montr ose was still on the field with about thirty brave Cavaliers, and witnessed the rout of one part of his army and the surrender of another, with the most poignant feelings of regret. He might have instantly retreated with safety, but he could not brook the idea of running away, and, therefore, resolved not to abandon the post of honour, but to fight to the last extremity, and to sell his life as dearly as possible. It was not long before he and his noble band were nearly surrounded by the enemy, who kept pressing so hard upon him, and in such numbers, as almost to preclude the possibility of escape. Yet they did not venture to attack Montrose and his brave associates in a body, but hi detached parties, every one of which was successively repulsed with loss. As the enemy grew tired of attacking him, and seemed to be more intent upon plundering his baggage than capturing his person, Montrose saw that the danger was not so great as he supposed, and, therefore, he began to reflect upon the folly of sacrificing his life so long as a ray of hope remained. He had lost a battle no doubt; but in this there was no dishonour when the
41
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
disparity of his force with that of the enemy was con- sidered. Besides he had lost few of his men, and the Highlanders, on whom he chiefly relied, were still entire, and were ready to take the field as soon as he appeared again among them. And as to the effect which such a defeat might be supposed to have upon the adherents of the king, who were still numerous and powerful, it could be easily removed as soon as they saw him again at the head of a fresh force. That he could only expect to retrieve the present state of affairs by escaping from the present danger and raising new troops; but that if he rashly sacrificed his life the king's affairs might be irretrievably ruined. These reflections being seconded by the Marquis of Douglas and a few trusty friends, who implored him not to throw away a life so valuable to the king and to the country, Montrose resolved to con- sult his safety by an immediate flight. Putting himself, therefore, at the head of his troop, he cut his way through the enemy, without the loss of a single man. They were pursued by a party of horse, some of whom they killed, and actually carried off one Bruce, a captain of horse, and two standard-bearers, with their ensigns, as pris- oners. Montrose went hi the direction of Peebles, which he entered about sunset, and here he was joined by different straggling parties of his men who had escaped. Montrose lost in this engagement very few of his horse, but a considerable part of his foot was destroyed. He carried off, as we have seen, two of the enemy's stand- ards, and fortunately preserved his own, two in number, from the enemy. That belonging to his infantry was saved by an Irish soldier of great bravery, who, on seeing the battle lost, and the enemy in possession of the field, tore it from the pole and wrapping it round his body, which was without any other covering, nobly cut his way through the enemy sword in hand. He overtook
42
MONTROSE LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR
Montrose at Peebles, and delivered the standard into his hands the same night. Montrose rewarded his bravery by appointing him one of his life-guard, and by committing the standard to his future charge.
It was to the Honourable William Hay, brother to the Earl of Kinnoul, a youth of a martial and enterprising spirit, that Montrose was indebted for the preservation of his second ensign, belonging to the horse. Mr. Hay had been appointed to the honourable post of standard- bearer, after the battle of Alford, instead of Mr. Douglas, son of the Earl of Morton, who had been seriously wounded in that engagement. This noble youth fled to the south, carrying the royal ensign along with him, and, after concealing himself for some time about the English borders, he, in company with Robert Touris of Inverleith, who had served as a captain in the French service, went in disguise to the north, where he joined Montrose, and delivered the royal standard into his hands.
Montrose passed the night at Peebles, where he was joined by most of his horse and part of his infantry; but some of his officers, who had mistaken their way, or fled in a different direction, were seized by the country people, and delivered over to Leslie. Among these ^were the Earl of Hartfell, the Lords Drummond and Ogilvie, Sir Robert Spottiswood, Sir Alexander Leslie of Auchintoul, Sir William Rollock, Sir Philip Nisbet, the Honourable William Murray, brother to the Earl of Tulliebardine, Alexander Ogilvie of Inverquharity, Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, and Mr. Andrew Guthry, son of the bishop of Moray. Montrose did not tarry long in Peebles, from which he departed early the following morning, and crossing the Clyde at a ford shown him by Sir John Dalziel, where he was, to his great joy, joined •by the Earls of Crawford and Airly, and other noblemen
43
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
who had effected their escape by a different route, he' proceeded rapidly to the north, and entered Athole, after despatching the Marquis of Douglas and the Earl of Airly into Angus, and Lord Erskine into Mar, to raise forces. Montrose then sent letters to Sir Alexander Macdonald and the Earl of Aboyne, requesting them to join him without delay, and to bring with them all the forces they could muster, to enable him to enter on a new campaign.
As soon as the members of the Committee of Estates,. who had taken refuge in Berwick, heard of Montrose's defeat at Philiphaugh, they joined Leslie's army, which they accompanied to Edinburgh, and there concocted those measures of revenge against the unhappy Roy- alists who had fallen into their hands, which they afterward carried into execution. The first who suffered were Colonel O'Kean, to whose distinguished bravery at the battle of Fyvie we have already alluded, and Major Laughlane, another brave officer. Both these were hanged, without trial, upon the Castle hill of Edin- burgh. Perhaps the circumstance of being Irishmen appeared a sufficient reason in the eyes of their mur- derers for despatching them so summarily, but they were, nevertheless, the subjects of the king, and as fully entitled to all the privileges of war as the other prisoners. This hatred of the Irish by the Covenanters was not confined to the cases of these individuals. Having in their march westward to Glasgow fallen in, near Lin- lithgow, with a body of helpless Irish women and chil- dren, who, in consequence of the loss of their husbands and fathers at the battle of Philiphaugh, were now seek- ing their way home to their own country, they were all seized by orders of the heads of the Covenanters, and thrown headlong by the brutal soldiers over the bridge of Avon into the river below. Some of these unfortunate-
44
MONTROSE LIEUTENANT - GOVERNOR
beings, who had sufficient strength left to reach the banks of the river, were not allowed to save themselves from drowning, but after being beaten on the head and stunned by blows from the butt ends of muskets and by clubs, were pushed back into the stream, where they all perished.
The covenanting army continued its march to Glas- gow, where a Convention of the Estates was held to determine upon further measures. To testify their gratitude to Leslie, they granted him a present of 50,000 merks and a gold chain, and they also voted the sum of 25,000 merks to Middleton, the second in com- mand, for his services.
45
CHAPTER II
MONTROSE DISBANDS ARMY
MONTROSE appeared among his Athole friends at a time the most unfavourable for obtaining their aid. Many of them were engaged in the occupation of the harvest, securing, for the support of themselves and their families, the scanty and precarious crops which were then upon the ground, and which, if neglected to be cut down in due time, might be destroyed by unfavourable weather. It was, besides, little more than a month since they had left him at Bothwell muir for the purpose partly of repairing the depredations which had been committed by Argyle's men upon their houses, and the interval which had since elapsed had not been sufficient for accomplishing their object. Yet, notwithstanding of these olrawbacks, Montrose succeeded in inducing about four hundred of the men of Athole to join him immediately, and to follow him to the north in quest of additional reinforcements; and he obtained a prom- ise that, on his return, the whole of the Athole High- landers would join him in a body.
While in Athole, Montrose received promises both from Lord Aboyne and Sir Alexander Macdonald, that they would speedily join him with considerable rein- forcements; but, growing impatient at Aboyne's delay, he resolved to proceed north himself to ascertain in person the cause of it, and to urge that nobleman to fulfil his .promise. Crossing, therefore, the Grampians, he marched with great haste through Aberdeenshire,
46
MONTROSE DISBANDS ARMY
and had an interview with Lord Aboyne, whom he ex- pected to rouse from his apathy. Montrose, however, soon perceived, that whatever Aboyne's own intentions were, he was thwarted by his father, the Marquis of Huntly,.who, on hearing of Montrose's success at Kil- syth, had left his retreat in Strathnaver, where he had passed a year and a half in absolute supineness, and returned to his own country. The marquis envied and hated Montrose, and although a Royalist in his heart, he did not care to expose the crown and monarchy to danger to gratify his spleen and vanity, as he could not endure to see a man whom he looked upon as his in- ferior in rank, monopolize the whole power and authority in Scotland.
" He was," says Bishop Wishart, " a man equally unfortunate and inconsiderate; and, however much he would seem, or was really attached to the king, yet he often betrayed that interest through a pride and unaccountable envy he had conceived against Montrose, whose glory and renown he endeavoured rather to extenuate than make the object of his emulation. He durst not venture to depreciate Montrose's actions before his own people, who had been eye-witnesses of them, and were well acquainted with his abilities, lest it might be construed into a sign of disaffection to the king himself. However, he gave out that he would take the charge of commanding them himself during the remainder of the war; and in that view he headed all his own vassals, and advised his neighbours, not without threats if they acted otherwise, to enlist under no other authority than his own. They remonstrated how they could be answerable to disobey Montrose's command, who was appointed by the king his deputy- governor and captain-general of all the forces within the kingdom. Huntly replied, that he himself should in
47
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
no way be wanting in his duty to the king; but, in the meantime, it tended no less to their honour than his own that it should appear to the king and the whole kingdom how much they contributed to the maintenance of the war; and this, he said, could never be done, unless they composed a separate army by themselves. He spoke in very magnificent terms of his own power, and endeavoured as much as possible to extenuate that of Montrose. He extolled immoderately the glory and achievements of his ancestors, the Gordons, — a race, worthy indeed of all due commendation, whose power had for many ages been formidable, and an over- match for their neighbours; and was so even at this day. It was therefore, he said, extremely unjust to ascribe unto another, meaning Montrose, the glory and renown acquired by their courage, and at the expense of their blood. But, for the future, he would take care, that neither the king should be disappointed of the help of the Gordons, nor should they be robbed of the praise due to their merit."
By this insidious reasoning, Huntly succeeded in blinding the greater part of his clan as to his real in- tentions; but there were some honourable men among them who saw through the disguise of the marquis, and who justly appreciated the talents of Montrose. They perceived the great danger to which the king's affairs would be exposed by such selfish conduct, and they did everything in their power to induce him to alter his resolution. It was, however, in vain that they represented to him the danger and impropriety of dividing the friends of the king at such a crisis, when union and harmony were so essentially necessary for accomplishing the objects they had in view, and when, by allowing petty jealousies to interfere and distract their councils, they might ruin the royal cause in Scot-
48
MONTROSE DISBANDS ARMY
land. Huntly lent a deaf ear to all their entreaties, and instead of adopting the advice of his friends to support Montrose, by ordering his vassals to join him, he opposed him almost in everything he proposed by underhand means, although affecting a seeming compliance with his wishes. Seeing all their efforts fruitless, those friends who had advised Huntly to join Montrose declared that they would range themselves under Montrose's banner as the king's lieutenant regardless of consequences, and they kept their word.
The author of the history of the family of Gordon endeavours to defend Huntly from the charges of Wish- art, and having given one side of the question, it is but justice also to state what that author has to say in defence of his chief. " Here that author (Wishart) gives Huntly a very bad character. Envy is an action or rather passion of the mind. He pretends to have known the very secret thoughts of his mind; he speaks very doubtfully of his loyalty, and that his mind began to be alienated from the king. He would need to have been well-acquainted with him, when he knew the se- crets of his mind, none of them appearing by any overt act. Huntly was immovable and constant in his loyalty even to and in his death, as the same author acknowledges in another place, which I will have occasion to notice hereafter. Then he makes Huntly to have had very senseless speeches to his friends, full of boasting of the glory and great actions of his ancestors, his own great power; and that it was unjust that the honour gotten at the expense of their blood should be put to another man's score; and a great deal more of such idle stuff, needless to be repeated. Now, this author was not an ear-witness to those speeches, nor does he name any person who told him of them; and, therefore, in all justice, they must be esteemed as
49
his own, and for these reasons, in no construction can be put upon Huntly; and so I do not think myself obliged to take any further notice of them. Only, I must be allowed to think it not a little strange, that such a pious and loyal author should give so bad a character of Huntly here, who in another place hereafter is pleased to give him so great a one."
Among other reasons, which induced Montrose to take the speedy step he did of marching north himself, was a report which had reached him that the king was to send from England a large body of horse to support him, and he was most anxious to collect such forces as he could to enable him to be in a condition to advance to the south, and unite with this body. In fact, the king had given orders to Lord Digby and Sir Marmaduke Langdale to proceed to Scotland with a body of fifteen hundred horse; but they were, unfortunately, com- pletely defeated, even before Montrose's departure to the north, by Colonel Copley at Sherburn, with the loss of all their baggage. Digby and Langdale, accom- panied by the Earls of Carnwath and Nithsdale, fled to Skipton, and afterward to Dumfries, whence they took shipping to the Isle of Man.
Notwithstanding the evasions of the Marquis of Huntly, Montrose succeeded in inducing the Earl of Aboyne to join him at Drumminor, the seat of Lord Forbes, with a force of fifteen hundred foot and three hundred horse, all of whom appeared to be actuated by the best spirit. To remove every unfavourable im- pression from the mind of Montrose, Aboyne assured him with great frankness, that he and his men were ready to follow him wherever he should be pleased to lead them, that they would obey his orders; and that his brother, Lord Lewis, would also speedily join him, as he soon did, with an additional force.
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MONTROSE DISBANDS ARMY
On receiving this reinforcement, Montrose turned his face to the south, and marched towards Mar, where he was to be joined by forces which Lord Erskine had raised there; but he had not proceeded far, when Lord Lewis Gordon, under some pretence or other, returned home with a considerable party of horse, promising to return to the army the following day. The desertion of Lord Lewis had a most pernicious influence upon the remainder of Aboyne's men, who, before the army had reached Alford, were greatly diminished by desertion. As the remainder showed great unwillingness to march forward, and as the desertions continued, Aboyne re- quested leave of absence, alleging as his reason, that his father had expressly commanded him to return to defend his possessions against a party of the enemy who were in lower Mar, and who were threatening an attack. The demand of Aboyne excited the astonishment of Montrose, who remonstrated with him, and gave many reasons to induce him to remain. He showed that Aboyne's apprehensions of danger were groundless, as, with the exception of a few troops the enemy's horse quartered in Aberdeen, there were no other forces in the north which could disturb his father's possessions, and that these horse were too weak to attempt any- thing; that by marching south the seat of war would be transferred from the north country, and that, in this way, the Marquis of Huntly would be relieved alto- gether of the presence of the enemy; that it would be impossible to join the Royalist forces, which were on their way from England, without crossing the Forth, and that it was only by adopting the latter step that they could ever expect to rescue their brave friends from the fangs of the Covenanters, and save their lives.
Aboyne did not attempt to answer these reasons,
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THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
which were urged with Mont rose's peculiar energy, but he requested him to send some persons who had influence with his father to acquaint him with them. Donald, Lord Rae, at whose house Huntly had lived during his exile in Strathnaver, and Alexander Irvine, younger of Drum, Huntly's son-in-law, both of whom had been indebted to Montrose for their liberty, were accordingly sent by him to the Marquis of Huntly, as the most likely persons he could select to induce Huntly to allow Aboyne to remain with the army. But all their arguments and entreaties were to no purpose. Lord Rae was so heartily ashamed at the failure of his mission, that he declined to return to Montrose; and Irvine, who brought some evasive letters from Huntly, frankly declared to Montrose that he could obtain no satisfactory explanation from his father-in-law of his real intentions, farther than that he remained fixed in his resolution that Aboyne should return home immediately. After declaring that he parted from Montrose with reluctance, and prom- ising to join him within a fortnight with a force even larger than that which he had lately brought, Aboyne left the army and returned to his father.
Montrose then continued his march through Braemar and Glenshee into Athole, where he obtained an accession of force. He next proceeded to Strathearn, where he was met by two messengers, who arrived by different routes, with orders from the king, desiring Montrose to join Lord George Digby, near the English border, as soon as possible. These messengers were Captain Thomas Ogilvy, younger of Pourie, and Captain Robert ^Nisbet. On receiving these commands, Montrose immediately sent these messengers north to the Marquis of Huntly, to acquaint him with the king's wishes, in the expectation that the use of his Majesty's name
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would at once induce him to send Aboyne south with reinforcements.
While Montrose lay in Strathearn waiting for rein- forcements, intelligence was brought to him that the Covenanters were about to imbrue their hands in the blood of his friends who had been taken prisoners after the battle of Philiphaugh. The Committee of Estates, which had accompanied the Covenanting army to Glasgow, had now determined upon this bold and illegal step, for which hitherto, with the recent excep- tions of O'Kean and Laughlane, no example had been set by either of the belligerent parties in Scotland since the commencement of the war. They had wisely abstained from staining the scaffolds with blood, but from different motives. Montrose, acting agreeably to the understood wishes of the king, which were con- genial with his own disposition, not to hurry matters to extremities with his Scottish subjects, refrained from inflicting capital punishment, and, as we have seen, often released his prisoners on parole. The heads of the Covenanters had been deterred by fear alone from carrying their bloody purposes into execution; but considering that they had now nothing to fear, they soon appeared in their true colours. That the measures of Charles were unconstitutional and oppressive cannot be denied, and that he endeavoured to circumvent the parties opposed to him by duplicity and cunning is a point equally certain; but there can be no question that, being king de facto, as well as de jure, he had a right, so long as he held the reins of government, to exercise all the power of the executive in the protection of his person and throne. With the Covenanters, however, the case was widely different. They, indeed, struggled for the existence of their religious liberties, but they had no right to assume judicial powers, by consigning
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THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
to the block those who, from a principle of duty, had taken up arms in defence of their sovereign. But a period of civil war is not the time for attending to such distinctions.
Besides the Committee of the Estates, a Committee of the Kirk held sittings in Glasgow at the same time, which sittings were afterward transferred to Perth, where, after deposing some ministers who were con- sidered disaffected to the Covenant, because they had not " mourned " for Montrose's victory at Kilsyth, they "concerned" themselves, as Guthry observes, about " the disposition of men's heads." Accord- ingly, thinking the Committee of Estates remiss in con- demning and executing the prisoners, they appointed Mr. William Bennet, who acted as moderator in the ab- sence of Mr. Robert Douglas, and two others of their number, to wait upon the Committee of Estates, and remonstrate with them for their supineness. Guthry relates that the deputation reported on their return, in his own hearing, that some of the lords of the com- mittee slighted the desire of the Committee of the Kirk, and that they were likely to have obtained nothing had not the Earl of Tulliebardine made a seasonable speech to this effect, " that because he had a brother among those men, it might be that their lordships so valued his concurrence with them in the good cause, that for respect of him they were the more loth to resolve upon the question. But that, as for himself, since that young man had joined with that wicked crew, he did not esteem him his brother, and therefore declared that he would take it for no favour if upon that account any indulgence was granted him." 1 This fratricidal speech made those members of the committee, who had disliked the shedding of blood, hang down their heads, accord- ing to Bennet's report, and the committee, thereupon,
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resolved that ten of the prisoners should be executed, viz., the Earl of Hartfell, the Lord Ogilvie, Sir Robert Spottiswood, the Honourable William Murray, brother to the Earl of Tulliebardine, Alexander Ogilvie of In- verquharity, Sir William Rollock, Sir Philip Nisbet, Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, Adjutant Stewart, and Cap- tain Andrew Guthry.
Apprehensive, however, that Montrose might still be in a condition to avenge the blood of his friends, the committee did not venture to cany their sentence into immediate execution upon any of them; but hearing of the division between Montrose and Huntly, and the desertion of the Gordons, they thought they might now safely venture to immolate a few victims at the shrine of the Covenant. Accordingly, three of the prisoners were ordered for execution, viz., Sir William Rollock, Sir Philip Nisbet, chief of that name, and Alexander Ogilvie, younger of Inverquharity, a youth not quite eighteen years of age, who had already given proofs of genius. This excellent young man was sacrificed to gratify the malignant animosity of Argyle at the Ogilvies. Sir William was executed at the market cross of Glasgow, upon the twenty-eighth day of October, and Sir Philip and Ogilvie suffered at the same place on the following day. Wishart relates a circumstance connected with Sir William Rollock's condemnation, which exhibits a singular instance of the ferocity and fanaticism of the times. He says that the chief crime laid to Sir William's charge was, that he had not perpetrated a deed of the most villainous and atrocious nature; for having been sent by Mont- rose, after the battle of Aberdeen, with some despatches to the king, he was apprehended by the enemy, and would undoubtedly have been immediately executed, but for Argyle, who used all his endeavours to engage
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THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
him to assassinate Montrose, and who at length, by threatening him with immediate death, and promising him, in case of compliance, very high rewards, prevailed on him to undertake that barbarous office, for which, however, he secretly entertained the utmost abhor- rence; and having thereby obtained his life and liberty, he returned straight to Montrose and disclosed the whole matter to him, entreating him at the same time to look more carefully to his own safety; as it could not be supposed that he, Sir William, was the only person who had been practised upon in this shame- ful manner, or that others would equally detest the deed, but that some persons would undoubtedly be found who, allured with the bait, would use their ut- most industry and pains to obtain the promised reward. Another instance of fanaticism is related by Guthry, of David Dickson, the " bloody preacher," who, on witnessing the execution of Nisbet and Ogilvie, was heard to utter this barbarous expression, — " The work goes bonnyly on," an expression which, after- ward, became proverbial.
About the time this tragedy was performing, Montrose crossed the Forth and entered the Lennox with a force of three hundred horse and twelve hundred foot, and took up his quarters on the lands of Sir John Buchanan, an ardent Covenanter, whence he sent out his cavalry every day, who hovered about Glasgow, and plundered the neighbouring country without opposition, although the Covenanters had a force of about three thousand cavalry in Glasgow and the neighbourhood. When Montrose heard of the execution of his friends his heart was filled with the most poignant grief, and he longed for a suitable opportunity to avenge their deaths, but he was too weak to venture upon an immediate attack. He sent repeated messages from his present headquarters
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to Sir Alexander Macdonald to join him; but after hover- ing several weeks about Glasgow, like a hawk ready to pounce upon its quarry, he had the mortification to find, that Macdonald had no intention of ever again returning to him, and that his expectations of being joined by the Earl of Aboyne were to be equally dis- appointed.
Under these untoward circumstances, therefore, and as the winter, which turned out unusually severe, was far advanced, Montrose resolved to retire into the north where he could remain undisturbed. With this view he began his march from the Lennox on the nineteenth of November, and crossing the hills of Monteith, which were covered with snow to a considerable depth, he en- tered Strathearn, and crossing the Tay, marched into Athole. Here Montrose received the melancholy news of the death of his brother-in-law, Archibald Lord Napier of Merchiston, whom he had left behind him in Athole on account of indisposition, a man, says Bishop Wishart, " not less noble in his personal accomplishments than in his birth and descent; a man of the greatest uprightness and integrity, and of a most happy genius, being, as to his skill in the sciences, equal to his father and grand- father, who were famous all the world over for their knowledge in philosophy and mathematics, and in the doctrine of civil prudence far beyond them." Montrose had been accustomed from his earliest years to look up to this gifted nobleman with feelings of reverential and filial awe, nor were these feelings impaired as he ad- vanced in life. He was interred in the Kirk of Blair with becoming solemnity by Montrose.
When Montrose arrived in Athole, he there found Captain Ogilvie and Captain Nisbet, who had just returned from the north to give an account of their embassy to the Marquis of Huntly. They reported that
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THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
they found him quite inflexible in his determination not to send assistance to Montrose, that he had spoken disdainfully to them, and even questioned the authen- ticity of the message which they brought from the king. It was truly grievous for Montrose to see the cause for which he had fought so long, and for which he had en- countered so many personal risks, thus endangered by the wilful and fatal obstinacy of an individual who had abandoned his country and his friends in the most trying circumstances, and cowardly skulked in Strath- naver, without showing any inclination to support the tottering diadem of his sovereign. But Montrose did not yet despair of bringing the marquis to a due sense of his duty, and as he considered that it was more expe- dient, in the present conjuncture, to endeavour to soothe the wounded pride of the marquis than to use the lan- guage of menace, he sent Sir John Dalziel to Huntly with a message of peace and reconciliation; intending, if necessary, as soon as circumstances permitted, to fol- low him, and enforce by his personal presence, at a friendly conference, which Sir John was requested to ask from the marquis, the absolute necessity of such a reconciliation.
As Dalziel was quite unsuccessful in his mission, and could not prevail upon Huntly to agree to a conference with Montrose, the latter hastened to put into effect his intention of paying a personal visit to Huntly, " that nothing might be unattempted to bring him to a right way of thinking," and " by heaping favours and benefits upon him, force him even against his will, to a reconciliation, and to co-operate with him in pro- moting the king's affairs." Montrose accordingly left Athole with his army in the month of December, and marching into Angus, crossed the Grampians, then covered with frost and snow, and arrived by rapid
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marches in Strathbogy before Huntly was aware of his movements. To avoid Montrose Huntly immedi- ately shut himself up in his castle of Bog of Gicht, on the Spey, but Montrose, having left his headquarters with a troop of horse, unexpectedly surprised him very early hi the morning before he had time to secrete himself. Instead of reproaching Huntly with his past conduct, Montrose spoke to him in the most affable manner, and apparently succeeded in removing his dissatisfaction so far, that a plan for conducting the future operations of the army was agreed upon be- tween them. The reduction of the garrison of Inverness, which, though strong and well-fortified, was but scantily stored with provisions, and an attempt to induce the Earl of Seaforth to join them, were the leading parts of this plan. Accordingly, while Montrose was to march through Strathspey, on his way to Inverness, it was agreed that Huntly should also advance upon it by a different road along the seacoast of Murrayshire, and thereby hem in the garrison on both sides.
In prosecution of this design, Montrose proceeded through Strathspey, and sat down before Inverness, waiting for the arrival of Huntly. When marching through Strathspey, Montrose received intelligence that Athole was threatened with a visit from the Camp- bells, — a circumstance which induced him to despatch Graham of Inchbrakie and John Drummond, younger of Balloch, to that country, for the purpose of embody- ing the Athole Highlanders, who had remained at home, in defence of their country. The inhabitants of Argyle, on hearing of Sir Alexander Macdonald's arrival in then- country, after the battle of Kilsyth, had fled to avoid his vengeance, and concealed themselves in caverns or in the clefts of the rocks; but being compelled by the calls of hunger to abandon their retreats, they had been
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THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
collected together by Campbell of Ardkinlass to the number of about twelve hundred, and had attacked the Macgregors and Macnabs for favouring Montrose. Being joined by the Stuarts of Balquidder, the Men- zieses, and other partisans of Argyle, to the number of about three hundred, they meditated an invasion of Athole, and had advanced as far as Strathample, with the intention of carrying their design into execution^ when intelligence was brought to Inchbrakie of their approach. Inchbrakie and Balloch had by this time- collected a body of seven hundred able-bodied men,, and, with this force, they immediately proceeded ta meet the Campbells. These had laid siege to Castle Ample; but, on being apprised of the advance of the Athole men, they retired to Monteith, whither they were hotly pursued by the Athole men, who overtook them at Callender, near the village of Monteith. After crossing the river Teith, they halted and prepared for battle, having previously stationed a large party of musketeers to guard the ford of the river.
Having ascertained the strength and position of the Campbells, Inchbrakie ordered a hundred of his men to advance to the ford, as if with the intention of cross- ing it, in order to draw the attention of the Campbells to this single point, while, with the remainder of his men, he hastened to cross the river by another ford,, higher up, and nearer the village. This movement was immediately perceived by the Argyle men, whor alarmed at such a bold step, and probably thinking that the Athole men were more numerous than they really were, abandoned their position, and fled with precipitation towards Stirling. As soon as the Athole party, stationed at the lower ford, saw the opposite bank deserted, they immediately crossed the river and attacked the rear of the retiring Campbells. They were-
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soon joined in the pursuit by the party which had crossed the higher ford; but, as the Athole men had performed a tedious march of ten miles that morning, they were unable to continue the pursuit far. About eighty of the Campbells were killed in the pursuit. They loitered about Stirling for some time in a very pitiful state, till visited by their chief, on his way to Ireland, who, not knowing how to dispose of them, led them into Renfrewshire, under the impression that as the inhab- itants of that district were friendly to the Covenant, they would be well received; but the people of Ren- frewshire, instead of showing sympathy for these un- fortunate wanderers, threatened to take arms and cut them down, unless they departed immediately. The marquis, thereupon, sent them into the Lennox, and quartered them upon the lands of Lord Napier .and other " malignants," as the Royalists were called.
The support of General Leslie's army being heavily felt by the people, complaints were made to the Com- mittee of Estates for retaining such a large body of •men in Scotland, without any necessity, and whose habits and mode of living were so different from those of the inhabitants of North Britain. The Committee -sent Leslie back to England, retaining only a small brigade under General Middleton, to watch the mo- tions of Montrose.
The Covenanters, emboldened by recent events, had •summoned a Parliament, without any authority from the king, to meet at St. Andrews, and which accordingly -assembled on the twenty-sixth of November, 1645; and, that the ministers might not be behind their lay- brethren in zeal for the blood of the " malignants," the general assembly of the church also met at the same time and place. It is truly melancholy to find men, under the pretence of religion, demanding the
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THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
lives of their countrymen as a sacrifice which they con- sidered would be well-pleasing to God; yet, whilst every well-disposed mind must condemn the fanaticism of the Covenanters, it must be remembered that the un- constitutional attempts of the king to force Protestant Episcopacy upon them, — a system which they de- tested, — the severe losses which they had sustained from the arms of Montrose, and the dread of being subjected to the yoke of prelacy and punished for their resistance, had aroused them to a state of frenzy, over which reason and religion could have little control.
As a preparative for the bloody scenes about to be enacted, Sir Archibald Johnston of Warriston, on the day the Parliament met, addressed the House in a long harangue, in which he entreated them to " unity amongst themselves, to lay all private respects and interests aside, and to do justice on delinquents and malignants; showing that their dallying formerly had provoked God's two great servants against them, — the sword and plague of pestilence, — which had ploughed up the land with deep furrows. He showed that the massacre of Kilsyth was never to be forgotten, and that God, who was the just judge of the world, would not but judge righteously, and keep in remembrance that sea of innocent blood which lay before His throne, crying for vengeance on these bloodthirsty rebels, the butchers of so many innocent souls. He showed, likewise, that the times required a more narrow and sharp looking into than formerly, in respect that the House of Parliament was become at this present like to Noah's ark, which had in it both foul and clean creatures, and therefore he be- sought the Estates there now convened by God's espe- cial permission and appointment, before that they went about the constitution of that high court of Parliament, that they would make a serious search and inquiry after
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such as were ears and eyes to the enemies of the common- wealth, and did sit there as if there was nothing to say to them; and, therefore, he humbly desired that the House might be adjourned till to-morrow at two o'clock in the afternoon, and that the several Estates might consider what corrupted members were amongst them, who had complied with the public enemy of the state either by themselves or by their agents or friends."
On the fourth of December, a petition was presented to the Parliament from the prisoners confined in the castle of St. Andrews, praying to be tried either by their peers, the justice-general, or before the whole Parlia- ment, and not by a committee, as proposed; and they very properly objected to Sir Archibald Johnston, who had prejudged their case, from sitting as judge; but the House, " hi one voice," most iniquitously rejected the petition, reserving, however, to the prisoners still to object to Sir Archibald before the committee, " if they had not any personal exception against his person."
As the ministers considered the Parliament tardy in their proceedings against the Royalists, the commis- sioners of the General Assembly presented, on fifth December, a remonstrance, praying them " for justice upon delinquents and malignants who had shed the blood of their brethren," and, on same day, four peti- tions and remonstrances to the same effect were pre- sented to the Parliament, from the provincial assemblies and from the shires of Fife, Dumfries, Merse, Teviot- dale, and Galloway, by a body of about two hundred persons. The Parliament, says Balfour, by their presi- dent, returned this answer, — that they had taken their " modest petitions and seasonable remonstrances very kindly, and rendered them hearty thanks, and wished them to be confident that, with all alacrity and dili-
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gence, they would go about and proceed in answering the expectations of all their reasonable desires, as they might themselves perceive in their procedure hitherto; and, withal, he entreated them, in the name of the House, that they would be earnest with God to implore and beg His blessing to assist and encourage them to the performance of what they demanded."
Notwithstanding the entreaties of the ministers to proceed with the condemnation of the prisoners, the Parliament postponed proceedings till the seventeenth of January; but, as a peace offering, they ordered, in the meantime, some Irish prisoners, composed partly of those who had been taken at Philiphaugh, and who had escaped assassination, and partly of stragglers who had been picked up after that battle, and who were con- fined in all the different prisons of the kingdom, espe- cially hi those of Selkirk, Jedburgh, Glasgow, Dum- barton, and Perth, to be executed without trial, " con- form to the treaty betwixt both kingdoms." A more illegal act it is scarcely possible to conceive, but in these times even the forms of justice were set aside.
The Committee of Estates, when sitting in Glasgow, had condemned the Earl of Hartfell and Lord Ogilvie to death, along with Sir William Rollock, Sir Philip Nis- bet, and Alexander Ogilvie; but, for some reason or other, their execution was deferred. So that, with the exception of Adjutant Stuart, who escaped while under the charge of General Middleton, there remained only four persons of any note for condemnation, viz., Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, Sir Robert Spottiswood, the Honourable Wm. Murray, and Captain Guthry. It appears from the Parliamentary register of Sir James Balfour, that these four prisoners pleaded exemption from trial, or rather from condemnation, on the ground of " quarters; " but after three hours' debate, on the
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tenth of January, the Parliament overruled this de- fence; and the committee having, of course, found them all " guilty of high treason against the states of the kingdom," they fixed the sixteenth of that month for taking into consideration the punishment to be in- flicted upon the prisoners.
The first case taken up on the appointed day was that of Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, who, after a debate of three hours' duration, was sentenced to be beheaded at the cross of St. Andrews, on Tuesday, the twentieth of January, at twelve o'clock, noon, and his lands and goods were declared forfeited to the public. The lord- chancellor declined voting. Similar sentences were pronounced upon the Honourable William Murray and Captain Guthry, by a plurality of votes, a few of the members having voted that they should be im- prisoned during life. Mr. Murray's brother, the Earl of Tulliebardine, absented himself. These three fell under an act passed the preceding year, declaring that all persons who, after having subscribed the Covenant, should withdraw from it, should be held as guilty of high treason. But the case of Sir Robert Spottiswood, who had not subscribed the Covenant, not falling within the scope of this ex post /acto.law, the "committee" had stated in a special report the grounds on which they found Sir Robert guilty of high treason, namely : First, that he had advised, docketed, signed, carried, and de- livered to Montrose the commission appointing him "lieutenant-governor and captain-general" of all his Majesty's forces in Scotland; and secondly, that he had been taken in arms against the country at Philiphaugh. After a lengthened debate, the Parliament decided that both these charges were capital offences, and according Sir Robert was condemned by a large majority to lose his head. The four prisoners were, on the following day,
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brought up for judgment, and received sentence " on their knees severally."
It was the intention of the Parliament to have or- dered the Earl of Hartfell and Lord Ogilvie to be exe- cuted along with the other prisoners; but on the evening of the nineteenth of January Lord Ogilvie effected his escape in the following way. Pretending sickness, he applied for, and obtained, though with considerable difficulty, liberty to his mother, lady, and sister, to to visit and attend him in prison. On entering his chamber, the sentinels retired out of respect to the ladies; and, as soon as the door was shut, his lordship jumped out of bed, and attired himself in his sister's clothes, who, on undressing, took the place of her brother in bed, and put on his night-cap. After spend- ing some time together to prevent suspicion, the two other ladies and his lordship, after opening the door ajar so as to be seen by the guards, pretended to take a most affectionate and painful leave of the unfortunate bed-ridden prisoner, and, drawing the door after them, passed the sentinels without interruption. This hap- pened about eight o'clock in the evening, and as horses had been prepared for his lordship and two companions who were waiting to escort him, he immediately mounted, and was out of all danger before next morning, when the cheat was discovered. The escape of Lord Ogilvie highly incensed Argyle, who hated the Ogilvies, and who, it is said, longed for the death of his lordship. He could not conceal the chagrin he felt on the occasion, and even had the audacity to propose that the three ladies should be immediately punished; but the Hamil- tons and Lord Lindsay, who, on account of their rela- tionship to Lord Ogilvie, were suspected of being privy to his escape, protected them from his vengeance. The escape of Lord Ogilvie was a fortunate occurrence for
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the Earl of Hartfell, for whose life it is alleged the Hamiltons thirsted in their turn; and to disappoint whom Argyle insisted that the earl's life should be spared, a concession which he obtained.
Of the four prisoners, Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, " a man" (says Wishart) " of excellent endowments both of body and mind," was the first that suffered. He had .been long under the ban of the church for adultery; but on signing a paper, declaratory of his repentance, he was absolved from the sentence of excommunication. He died, expressing great sorrow for the vices and follies of his youth; but vindicated himself for the part he had taken in the troubles of his country, professed the most unshaken loyalty to his king; and declared that if there were anything in the instrument he had signed which might be construed as dishonourable to the king, or repugnant to his authority, he completely disowned it.
Colonel Gordon was followed to the scaffold by Sir Robert Spottiswood, a man of the most spotless integrity, and one of the most profound scholars of the age. .He was the eldest son of Archbishop Spottiswood, and had, by his rare endowments and great merit, been noticed with distinction by King James and his successor, Charles. James conferred on him the order of knight- hood, and made him a privy councillor, and Charles promoted him to the high situation of lord president of the Court of Session; and, upon the desertion of the Earl of Lanark to the Covenanters, the king appointed him principal secretary of state for Scotland instead of that nobleman. This appointment drew down upon him the hatred of the leading Covenanters, but still there were some among them who continued to respect him on account of his worth and shining talents, and when the vote was taken in Parliament whether he should suffer, the Earls of Eglintoun, Cassillis, Dun-
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fermline, and Carnwath voted that his life should be spared; and the lord-chancellor and the Earl of Lanark, by leave of the house, declined voting. " Though many liked not his party, they liked his person, which made him many friends even among the Covenanters, inso- much, that after his sentence was read, some of the nobility spoke in his behalf, and entreated the House to consider the quality and parts of that excellent gentleman and most just judge, whom they had con- demned, and begged earnestly his life might be spared. But an eminent knowledge and esteem, which, hi other cases, might be a motive to save a criminal, was here only the cause of taking an innocent man's life, — so dangerous is it, in a corrupt age, to be eminently constant and virtuous. The gentlemen who spoke were told that the authority of the established govern- ment was not secure while Sir Robert's life was spared. Whereupon the noblemen who presided at the meeting of the Estates at Glasgow, and in the Parliament at St. Andrews, openly declared, when they signed the respective sentences, that they did sign as preses, and in obedience to the command of the Estates, but not as to their particular judgment."
After he had mounted the scaffold, still reeking with the blood of Colonel Gordon, Sir Robert surveyed the terrific scene around him with singular composure, which, added to his appearance, which was naturally grave and dignified, filled the breasts of the spectators with a feeling of compassion. Sir Robert had intended to have addressed the people, and had prepared a written speech for the occasion,2 but on turning round to address the spectators, he was prevented from proceeding by the provost of St. Andrews, formerly a servant of Sir Rob- ert's father, who had been instigated to impose silence upon him by Robert Blair, one of those ministers who,
MONTROSE DISBANDS ARMY
to the scandal of religion, had dishonoured their pro- fession by calling out for the blood of their countrymen. Blair's motive in occasioning this interruption is said to have arisen from a dread he entertained that Sir Robert would expose the designs of the Covenanters, and impress the bystanders with an unfavourable opinion of their proceedings. Sir Robert bore the in- terruption with the most unruffled composure, and, as he saw no chance of succeeding, he threw the manu- script of his speech amongst the crowd, and applied himself to his private devotions. But here again he was annoyed by the officious impertinence of Blair, who rudely asked him whether he (Blair) and the people should pray for the salvation of his soul. To this ques- tion Sir Robert answered, that he indeed desired the prayers of the people; but knowing the bloodthirsty character of the man he was addressing, who had come to tease him in his last moments, he told him that he " would have no concern with his prayers, which he believed were impious, and an abomination unto God; adding, that of all the plagues with which the offended majesty of God had scourged the nation, this was cer- tainly by far the greatest, greater than even the sword, fire, or pestilence; that for the sins of the people God had sent a lying spirit into the mouths of the prophets." This answer raised the fury of Blair, who assailed Sir Robert with the most acrimonious imputations, and re- viled the memory of his father by the most infamous charges; but Sir Robert was too deeply absorbed in meditation to regard such obloquy. Having finished his devotions, this great and good man, after uttering these words, " Merciful Jesus ! gather my soul unto thy saints and martyrs who have run before me in this, race," laid his neck upon the fatal block, and in an instant his head was severed from his body.
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THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
After Sir Robert Spottis wood's execution, Captain- Guthry, son of the ex-bishop of Moray, was next led to the scaffold. The fierce and unfeeling Blair, who had already officiously witnessed, with the most morbid complacency, the successive executions of Colonel Gor- don and Sir Robert, not satisfied with reviling the latter gentleman in his last and awful moments, and lacera- ting his feelings by heaping every sort of obloquy upon the memory of his father, vented the dregs of his im- potent rage upon the unfortunate victim now before him; but Guthry bore all this man's reproaches with becoming dignity, and declared that he considered it an honour to die in defence of the just cause of his sov- ereign. He met his death with the fortitude of a hero and the firmness of a Christian.
In consequence of an application to the Parliament Iby the Earl of Tulliebardine, the execution of his brother, William Murray, was delayed till the twenty-third day of January. The case of this unfortunate young man •excited a strong feeling of regret among the Covenanters themselves, and some writers have not scrupled to blame the earl as the cause of his death, that he might succeed to his patrimony. Some countenance is afforded to this ^conjecture from the circumstance that the earl not only unade no exertions to save his brother from condemna- tion, but that he even absented himself from Parliament the day that his brother's case came to be discussed, when, by his presence or his vote, he might have saved his brother's Me. Nor is this supposition, it is contended, in any shape weakened by the attempt he afterward made to get off his brother; for he must have known that the Parliament had gone too far to retract, and could not, without laying itself open to the charge of the grossest partiality, reprieve Mr. Murray, and allow iheir sentence to be carried into execution against the
70
MONTROSE DISBANDS ARMY
other prisoners. If true, however, that the earl de- livered the speech imputed to him by Bennet, there can be no doubt of his being a participator in the death of his brother, but it would be hard to condemn him on such questionable authority. To whatever cause it was owing, Mr. Murray was not, during his last moments, subjected to the annoyances of Blair, nor was he pre- vented from delivering the following speech to the per- sons assembled to witness his execution. He spoke in a loud tone of voice as follows: " I hope, my country- men, you will reckon that the house of Tulliebardine, and the whole family of Murray, have this day acquired a new and no small addition of honour; that a young man, descended of that ancient race, has, though inno- cent, and in the flower of his age, with the greatest readi- ness and cheerfulness, delivered up his life for his king, the father of his country, and the most munificent patron and benefactor of that family from which he is sprung. Let not my honoured mother, my dearest sisters, my kindred or my friends lament the shortness of my life, seeing that it is abundantly recompensed by the honour of my death. Pray for my soul, and God be with you."
Many prisoners, but of less note, still remained to be disposed of; but the Parliament, either averse to shed more blood, or from other considerations, took no steps against them. The Committee of the Kirk, however, being actuated by other motives, pressed the Parlia- ment to dispose of some more of the " malignants; " but the bloody zeal of these clerical enthusiasts was checked by the better sense of the Parliament; and in order to get rid of their importunities for blood, a sug- gestion was made to them by the leading men in Parlia- ment to lay before them an " overture," proposing some more lenient mode of punishment. The " godly " broth^
71
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
erhood soon met, but a considerable difference of opin- ion prevailing as to the nature of the punishment to be submitted to Parliament in the proposed overture, the moderator asked David Dickson what he thought best to be done with the prisoners, who answered " in his homely way of speaking, ' shame them and herry (plunder) them.1***' This proposal being adopted, was made the subject of an overture, which was accordingly presented to Parliament; and to meet the views of the ministers, a remit was made to a large committee, which was appointed to meet at Linlithgow, the twenty-fifth of February, to fix the amount of the fines to be im- posed upon the different delinquents.
While the proceedings before detailed were going on at St. Andrews, Montrose was ineffectually endeavour- ing to reduce the garrison of Inverness, the acquisition of which would have been of some importance to him. Had the Marquis of Huntly kept his promise, and joined Montrose, its capture might have been effected; but that nobleman never made his appearance, and as Inverness was thus left open on the side which it was intended he should block up, the enemy were enabled to supply themselves with provisions and warlike stores, of which they stood in great need. Huntly, however, afterward crossed the Spey, and entered Moray with a considerable force; but instead of joining Montrose, who repeatedly sent for him, he wasted his time in fruitless enterprises, besieging and taking a few castles of no importance.
As Huntly, who envied the military glory of Mont- rose, probably did not think that the capture of a few obscure castles was sufficient to establish his pretensions as Montrose's rival, he resolved to seize Aberdeen, and had advanced on his way as far as Kintore, where he was met by Ludovick Lindsay, Earl of Crawford, who
72
MONTROSE DISBANDS ARMY
had retired from the Mearns, where he had been sta- tioned with Montrose's horse, on hearing of the ap- proach of the Parliamentary army under the command of General Middleton toward Aberdeen. This intelli- gence was quite sufficient to induce the marquis to desist from his enterprise. Lindsay then marched into Buchan, and burnt the town of Fraserburgh. He, thereafter, went to Banff, but was compelled to retire hastily into Moray with some loss in February, 1646, by a division of Middleton' s army under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Montgomery and Major David Barclay.
About this time intelligence was brought to Montrose that General Middleton had arrived at Aberdeen with a force of six hundred horse and eight hundred foot. He now renewed his entreaties to Huntly to join him immediately, that they might either reduce Inverness or march jointly upon Aberdeen and attack Middleton; but the jealousy or vanity of Huntly would not permit him to accede to Montrose's request. This refusal ex- asperated Montrose to such a degree that he resolved to have recourse to force to compel compliance, as he could no longer endure to see the authority of the sovereign, whose deputy he was, thus trampled upon and despised. As he had already brought over the Earl of Seaforth to his side, who had induced the heads of some of the principal clans to form a confederation for obtaining a national peace, he was fully in a condi- tion to have reduced Huntly to obedience; but the sudden advance of Middleton prevented Montrose from making the attempt.
Wishart relates rather an incredible story respecting an alleged piece of treachery on the part of Lord Lewis Gordon on this occasion. He states that, as Montrose had no reliance on Huntly, and as he " began now to
73
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
think it high time to look more carefully to his own safety, lest Huntly's malice might at last carry him the length even to betray him," he sent three troops of horse to the fords of the Spey to watch the motions of the en- emy, with orders, if they approached, to send him imme- diate intimation of their movements. This body, it is said, occupied the most convenient stations, and watched with very great diligence for some time, till Lord Lewis, who then kept the castle of Rothes, having con- trived his scheme of villainy, assured the officers who commanded the horse, that the enemy was very far dis- tant, and had no intention to pass the river; he, there- fore, advised them to cease watching, and having in- vited them to the castle, where they were sumptuously entertained by him, plied with wine and spirits, and de- tained till such tune as Lord Middleton had crossed the Spey with a large army of horse and foot, and penetrated far into Moray, he dismissed his guests with these jeering remarks: " Go, return to your General Montrose, who will now have better work than he had at Selkirk." Such a statement carries its own condem- nation upon the face of it, for even supposing that Mont- rose's officers had acted the stupid part imputed to them, they would certainly not have forgotten their duty so far as to order their men to abandon their posts. It was hi the month of May, 1646, that General Middle- ton left Aberdeen at the head of his army, on his way to Inverness. He left behind him hi Aberdeen a regi- ment of horse, and another of foot, for the protection of the town, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Montgomery. Middleton made a rapid march, and arrived in the neighbourhood of Inverness on the ninth of May, driving before him the few troops of horse which Montrose had stationed on the Spey to watch his motions. On being warned of Middleton's approach, Montrose
74
MONTROSE DISBANDS ARMY
drew his troops together, and took up a position at some distance from the town; but having ascertained that Middleton was strong in cavalry, he hastily crossed the River Ness. Middleton, thereupon, despatched two regiments of cavalry after him, who attacked his rear, cut off some of his men, and captured two pieces of cannon and part of his baggage. Montrose continued his retreat by Beauly into Rosshire, whither he was pursued by Middleton, who, however, suffered some loss in the pursuit. As Montrose's forces were far inferior, in point of numbers, to those of Middleton, he avoided coming to an engagement, and as Seaforth's men, who had joined Montrose at Inverness, under their chief, began to desert him in great numbers, and as he could not depend on the population by which he was sur- rounded, Montrose turned to the right, and passing by Lochness, marched through Strathglass and Strath- errick to the banks of the Spey. Middleton did not fol- low Montrose, but went and laid siege to the castle of the Earl of Seaforth in the chanonry of Ross, which he took after a siege of four days. He behaved toward the Countess of Seaforth, who was within the castle, with great politeness, and restored it to her after taking away the ammunition which it contained.
The absence of Middleton from Aberdeen afforded Huntly an opportunity of accomplishing the design which he formerly entertained, till scared by the ap- proach of Middleton from the south, of taking Aberdeen, and accordingly he ordered his men to march from Deeside to Inverury, where he appointed a general rendezvous to be held on the tenth of May. Colonel Montgomery, being aware of his motions, beat up his quarters the same night at Kintore with a party of horse, and killed some of his men. But Montgomery was re- pulsed by Lord Lewis Gordon, with some. loss,, and
75
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
forced to retire back to Aberdeen. The marquis ap- peared at the gates of Aberdeen at twelve o'clock on the following day, with a force of fifteen hundred High- land foot and six hundred horse, and stormed it in three- different places. The garrison defended themselves with courage, and twice repulsed the assailants, in which contest a part of the town was set on fire; but a fresh reinforcement having entered the town, under Lord Aboyne, the attack was renewed, and Montgomery and his horse were forced to retire down to the edge of the River Dee, which they crossed by swimming. The covenanting foot, after taking refuge in the tolbooth and in the houses of the earl marshal and Menzies of Pit- foddles, craved quarter and surrendered at discretion. Although the city of Aberdeen had done nothing to incur Huntly's displeasure, he allowed his Highlanders to pillage it. About twenty officers were taken prisoners, among whom were Colonels Hurry, Barclay, and David Leighton; besides Sir William Forbes of Craigievar, and other country gentlemen, particularly of the name- of Forbes; but they were also released next day on their parole of honour not to serve against the king in future. There were killed on the side of the Covenanters, Colonel William Forbes, Captain Lockhart, son of Sir James Lockhart of Lee, and three other captains of foot, be- sides a considerable number of privates; but Huntly lost only about twenty men in whole.
As Huntly's force was considerably reduced by the- return of the Highlanders, who had accompanied him, to their own houses, with the booty which they had col- lected in Aberdeen, and, as he was apprehensive of the immediate return of Middleton from the north, Huntly remained but a short time in Aberdeen. Marching up the north bank of the Dee, he encamped in Cromar; but the sudden appearance of Middleton, who, on hear-
76
MONTROSE DISBANDS ARMY
ing of Huntly's advance on Aberdeen, had retraced his .steps and re-crossed the Spey, made him retire into Mar, where he was followed by Middleton, who, in some slight skirmishes, cut off some of his men; but Middle- ton discontinued the pursuit and returned to Aberdeen, which he found had suffered severely from Huntly's visit.
After an ineffectual attempt by Montrose to obtain ;an interview with Huntly at the Bog of Gicht, whither he had gone after Middleton's return to Aberdeen, Montrose resolved to make a tour through the Highlands, in the hope that he would be able, by his personal presence, and by promising suitable rewards, to induce the clans to rise in defence of their sovereign; but with the de- termination, in case of refusal, to enforce obedience to his commands. This resolution was not taken by Mont- rose, without the concurrence of some of his best friends, who promised to aid him by every means in their power, in carrying it into effect. In pursuance of his design, Montrose was just about setting out on his proposed journey, when, on the last day of May, a messenger arrived with a letter 3 from the king, requesting him to disband his forces, and to retire, himself, to France, where he would receive " further directions." After the disastrous battle of Naseby, which was fought on the fourteenth day of June, 1644, between the English Roy- alists and the Parliamentary forces, the campaign in England, on the part of the king, " presented little more than the last and feeble struggles of an expiring party." The king had been enabled, in consequence of the recall of the horse, which had reached Nottingham, on their way to Hereford, under General David Leslie, after the battle of Kilsyth, to drive the Parliamentary infantry back from the siege of Hereford; but the surrender of Bristol to the forces of the Parliament, on the tenth
77
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
of September, and the defeat of the Royalists at Chester,. on the twenty-third of the same month, completed the ruin of the king's affairs. Having shut himself up in Oxford, for the last time, in November following, Charles, after the discovery of the secret treaty with the Catholics of Ireland, which had been entered into by the Earl of Glamorgan, endeavoured to negotiate with the English Parliament in the expectation that if he could gain either of the parties (the Presbyterians and Independents) over to his side, by fair promises, he would be enabled to destroy both. 4 That negotiation, however, not succeeding, a separate negotiation was set on foot, through the medium of Montrevil, the French envoy, with the Scots army before Newark, the leaders of which offered an asylum to the king on certain condi- tions. At length Charles, undetermined as to the course he should pursue, on hearing of the approach of the Parliamentary army, under Fairfax, left Oxford at midnight, on the twenty-seventh of April, 1646, in the disguise of a servant, accompanied by Mr. Ashburnham and Doctor Hudson, a clergyman, and, after traversing the neighbouring country, arrived at Southwell on the fifth of May, where he was introduced by Montrevil to the Earl of Leven, the commander of the Scots army, and the officers of his staff. The arrival of the king seemed to surprise the officers very much, although it is generally supposed that they had been made pre- viously aware of his intentions by Hudson, who had preceded him, and they treated him with becoming re- spect, the commander tendering his bare sword upon his knee; but when Charles, who had retained Leven's sword, indicated his intention to take the command of the army, by giving orders to the guard, that crafty veteran unhesitatingly thus addressed him: " I am the older soldier, Sir: your Majesty had better leave that,
78
office to me." The king was, in fact, now a prisoner. As soon as the intelligence reached the capital, that the king had retired to the Scots camp, the two Parliament- ary factions united in accusing the Scots of perfidy, and sent a body of five thousand horse to watch their mo- tions; but the Scots, being desirous to avoid hostilities, raised their camp before Newark, and hastily retired to Newcastle, carrying the king along with them.
On arriving at Newcastle, the king was waited upon by the Earls of Lanark and Callander, and Lord Bal- merino, who paid their respects to him. As Callander was understood to be favourably inclined to the king, Lanark and Balmerino were desirous to get rid of him, and accordingly they prevailed upon his Majesty to send Callander back to Edinburgh with a letter, which they had induced his Majesty to write to the Com- mittee of Estates, expressive of his desire to comply with the wishes of the Scots Parliament, and containing instructions to them to order Montrose, Huntly, and Sir Alexander Macdonald to disband their forces. And it was also at the desire of these two noblemen that the king wrote the letter to Montrose referred to.
After Montrose had read this letter he was filled with deep amazement and concern. All those visionary schemes for accomplishing the great object of his ambition, which a few minutes before had floated in his vivid imagination, were now dispelled. He was now placed in one of the most painful and difficult situ- ations it is possible to conceive. He had no doubt that the letter had been extorted from the king, yet he considered that it would neither be prudent nor safe for him to risk the responsibility of disobeying the king's orders. Besides, were he to attempt to act contrary to these instructions, he might thereby compromise the safety of the king, as his enemies would find it no
79
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
difficult affair to convince the army that Montrose was acting according to private instructions from the king himself. On the other hand, by instantly disbanding his army, Montrose considered that he would leave the Royalists, and all those friends who had shared his dangers, to the mercy of his enemies. In this dilemma, he determined to convene a general meeting of all the principal Royalists to consult as to how he should act, — a resolution which showed his good sense, and kind and just feeling toward those who had been in- duced by his means to risk their lives and fortunes in the cause of the king. Notwithstanding the many slights which had been put upon him by the Marquis of Huntly, Montrose, anxious to preserve a good under- standing with him, sent Sir John Hurry and Sir John Innes, two gentlemen the most unexceptionable he could select, to Huntly, to invite him to attend the proposed meeting, and that there might not appear any idea of dictation on the part of Montrose, the time and place of meeting was left to Huntly's own choice. But this haughty nobleman answered that he himself had re- ceived orders similar to those sent to Montrose, which he was resolved to obey immediately, and, therefore, he declined to attend any meeting on the subject.
In this situation of matters, Montrose considered that his best and wisest course would be to keep his army to- gether till he should receive another communication from the king, in answer to a letter which he sent by a messenger of his own, in which he begged his Majesty to acquaint him of the real situation of matters, whether he considered his person safe in the hands of the Cove- nanters, and if he could be of any further service to him. Montrose begged also to be informed by the king, if he persevered in his resolution to disband an army which had fought so bravely in his defence, and that at a time
80
HISTORY OF SCOT]
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MONTROSE DISBANDS ARMY
when his enemies, in both kingdoms, were still under arms; and if so, he wished to be instructed by his Maj- esty as to the course he should pursue, for the protection and security of the lives and fortunes of those brave men, who had encountered so many dangers, and had spent their blood in his defence, as he could not endure the idea of leaving such loyal subjects to the mercy of their enemies. The king returned an answer to this letter, by the former messenger, Ker, in which he assured him that he no less esteemed his willingness to lay down arms at his command, "for a gallant and real expression " of his zeal and affection to his service than any of his former actions; but he hoped that Montrose had not such a mean opinion of him, that for any particular or worldly respects he would suffer him (Montrose) to be ruined; that his only reason for sending Montrose out of the country was that he might return with greater glory, and, in the meantime, to have as honourable an employment as he (the king) could confer upon him; that Ker would tell him the «are he had of all Montrose's friends, and his own, to whom, although he could not promise such conditions as he would have wished, yet they would be such, all things considered, as were most fit for them to accept. " Wherefore," continues his Majesty, " I renew my former directions, of laying down arms, unto you, desiring you to let Huntly, Crawford, Airly, Sea- forth, and Ogilvy, know, that want of time hath made me now omit to reiterate my former commands unto you, intending that this shall serve for all; assuring them, and all the rest of my friends, that, whensoever God shall enable me, they shall reap the fruits of their loyalty and affection to my service."
These " conditions," which consisted of several arti- cles, and in the drawing up of which the king probably
81
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
had no concern, were far from satisfactory to Montrose, who refused to accede to them. He even refused to treat with the Covenanters, and he sent back the messenger to the king to notify to him, that as he had acted under his Majesty's commission, he would admit of no condi- tions for laying down his arms, or disbanding his army, which did not come directly from the king himself, but that if his Majesty imposed conditions upon him, he would accept of them with the most implicit submis- sion. The king, who had no alternative but to adopt these conditions as his own, put his name to them and sent back the messenger with them, with fresh instruc- tions to Montrose to disband his army forthwith under the pain of high treason. Besides Ker, the king des- patched another trusty messenger to Montrose with a private letter 5 urging him to accept of the conditions offered, as in the event of his refusal to break up his army, his Majesty might be placed " in a very sad con- dition," such as he would rather leave Montrose to guess at than to seek himself to express. From this ex- pression, it would appear that Charles already began to entertain some apprehensions about his personal safety. These commands of the king were too peremp- tory to be any longer withstood, and as Montrose had been informed that several of the leading Royalists, particularly the Marquis of Huntly, Lord Aboyne, and the Earl of Seaforth, were negotiating with the Estates hi their own behalf, and that Huntly and Aboyne had even offered to compel Montrose to lay down his arms in compliance with the orders of the king, he immediately resolved to disband his army.
As Middleton had been entrusted by the Committee of Estates with ample powers to negotiate with the Royalists, and to see the conditions offered to Montrose implemented by him in case of acceptance, a cessation
82
MONTROSE DISBANDS ARMY
of arms was agreed upon between Montrose and Middle- ton; and in order to discuss the conditions, a conference was held between them on the twenty-second day of July, on a meadow, near the River Hay, in Angus, where they " conferred for the space of two hours, there being none near them but one man for each of them to hold his horse." The conditions agreed upon were these, that with the exception of Montrose himself, the Earl of Crawford, Sir Alexander Macdonald, and Sir John Hurry, all those who had taken up arms against the Cove- nanters would be pardoned on making their submission, and that Montrose, Crawford, Hurry, and Graham of Gorthy should transport themselves beyond seas, before the last day of August, in a ship to be provided by the Estates. This arrangement was ratified by the Committee of Estates, but the Committee of the Kirk exclaimed against it, and petitioned the Com- mittee of Estates not to sanction it.
Preparatory to disbanding his army, Montrose ap- pointed it to rendezvous at Rattray, in the neighbour- hood of Cupar Angus, at which place, on the thirtieth day of July, he discharged his men, after addressing a feeling and animated oration to them, in which, " after giving them due praise for their faithful services and good behaviour, he told them his orders, and bid them farewell, an event no less sorrowful to the whole army than to himself; and, notwithstanding he used his utmost endeavours to raise their drooping spirits, and encourage them with the flattering prospect of a speedy and desirable peace, and assured them that he con- tributed to the king's safety and interest by his present ready submission, no less than he had formerly done by his military attempts; yet they concluded, that a period was that day put to the king's authority, which would expire with the dissolution of their army, for dis-
83
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
banding of which, they were all convinced the orders had been extorted from the king, or granted by him on purpose to evite a greater and more immediate evil. And, upon whatever favourable conditions their own safety might be provided for, yet they lamented their own fate, and would much rather have undergone the greatest fatigue and hardships than be obliged to remain inactive and idle spectators of the miseries and calamities befalling their dearest sovereign. Neither were their generous souls a little concerned for the un- worthy and disgraceful opinion which foreign nations and after ages could not fail to conceive of the Scots, as universally dipt in rebellion, and guilty of defection from the best of kings. Their sorrow was likewise considerably augmented by the thoughts of being sepa- rated from their brave and successful general, who was now obliged to enter into a kind of banishment, to the irreparable loss of the king, the country, themselves, and all good men, at a time when they never had greater occasion for his service. And falling down upon their knees, with tears in their eyes, they obtested him, that seeing the king's safety and interest required his imme- diate departure from the kingdom, he would take them along with him to whatever corner of the world he would retire, professing their readiness to live, to fight, nay, if it so pleased God, even to die under his command And not a few of them had privately determined, though at the evident risk of their lives and fortunes, to follow him without his knowledge, and even against his incli- nation, and to offer him their service in a foreign land, which they could not any longer afford him in their own •distressed native country."
Such is the account of the affecting farewell between Montrose and the few remaining brave and adventurous men who had shared with him in all the dangers and vi-
84
MONTROSE DISBANDS ARMY
cissitudes of the battle-field, as related by a warm parti- san of fallen royalty; yet there is no reason for suppo- sing that he has given an exaggerated view of the f eelings of the warlike and devoted band at parting, under ex- isting circumstances, with their beloved commander, who had so often led them to victory, and whose banishment from his native country they regarded as the death-blow to their hopes.
Upon the dissolution of Montrose's army, the Scots officers and soldiers retired to their respective homes, and the Irish troops marched westward into Argyle, whence they embarked for their own country, being accompanied thither by the Earl of Crawford, who from thence went to Spain. Montrose, along with the few friends who were to follow him abroad, took up his abode at his seat of Old Montrose, there to wait the arrival of the vessel destined to convey them to the continent. The day fixed for Montrose's departure was the first of September, and he waited with impatience for the arrival of the expected vessel; but as the month of August was fast expiring without such vessel making its appearance, or any apparent preparation for the voyage, Montrose's friends applied to the Committee of the Estates for a prorogation of the day stipulated for his departure, but they could obtain no satisfactory answer.
At length, on the last day of August, a vessel for the reception of the marquis entered the harbour of Montrose, in which he proposed immediately to embark, but he was told by the shipmaster, " a violent and rigid Covenanter," that he meant to careen his vessel before going to sea, an operation which would occupy a few days. In the course of conversation, the shipmaster bluntly stated to his intended passengers, that he had received express instructions to land them at certain ports. The be-
85
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
haviour of the captain, joined to the information he had communicated, and the fact that several English ships of war had been seen for several days off the coast, as if watching his embarkation and departure, of which fact he had received private information from some friends, created a strong suspicion in Montrose's mind that a plan had been laid for capturing him, and in- duced him to consult his own safety and that of his friends by seeking another way of leaving the kingdom. He accordingly sent some trusty persons to the other harbours in the north to search for and engage any foreign vessel they might fall hi with to be ready, on a day to be fixed, to carry out to Norway such passengers as might present themselves; but such a plan was con- sidered so hopeless by Montrose's friends, who still remained with him, that they advised him, as the best course which could be pursued under such dangerous circumstances, to retire to the Highlands, to collect his forces again, and trust to the chances of war; but he was opposed to such a proposal, principally on the ground that such a step on his part would be imputed to the king, whose life might thereby be endangered. The anxiety of Montrose and his followers was speedily relieved by the arrival of intelligence, that a small vessel belonging to Bergen, in Norway, had been found in the neighbouring harbour of Stonehaven; and that the master had engaged, on being promised a handsome freight, to be hi readiness, against an appointed day, to sail with such passengers as should appear.
Accordingly, after sending off Sir John Hurry, John Drummond of Balloch, Graham of Gorthy, Doctor Wishart, and a few other friends by land to Stonehaven, on the third day of September, 1646, he himself left the harbour of Montrose in a small boat, disguised as the servant of James Wood, a clergyman, who accompanied
86
MONTROSE DISBANDS ARMY
him; and the same evening went safely on board the vessel, into which his friends had embarked, and setting sail with a fair wind, arrived in a few days at Bergen, in Norway, where he received a friendly welcome from Thomas Gray, a Scotsman, the governor of the castle of Bergen.
CHAPTER IH
DEFEAT OF ROYALISTS
As soon as the news of the flight of the king reached London, the greatest agitation prevailed; and the two great parties, — the Presbyterians and Independents, — each of which was struggling for ascendency, became even still more distrustful of one another; but when they ascertained the place of his retreat, they joined in reprobating the conduct of the Scots, who, they erroneously supposed, had induced the king to put himself in their power. The possession of the royal person had been long desired by both factions as of paramount importance in paving the way for the accomplishment of their respective objects; but the un- expected step which the king had just taken seemed to render their prospects for ever hopeless. But they soon found that the case was not so bad as they had imagined, for the king was not only prevailed upon to order his officers to surrender the fortresses which they still retained, but to become a suppliant for peace by requesting both Houses of Parliament to offer him propositions for consideration.
Some of these propositions were, however, such as the king could not, in conscience, submit to, and others were quite incompatible with monarchical government. The refusal of the king to agree to these conditions, one of which stipulated the establishment of the Direc- tory, and the recognition of the Westminster Confession, while it displeased the Presbyterian party, inspired the
88
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Independents with fresh hopes, and the latter now began to indicate pretty plainly their intention of dethroning the king. While the two Houses were engaged in new deliberations, in consequence of the king's refusal to accede, the chancellor (Lou don), the Marquis cf Argyle, and the Earl of Dunfermline, who had offered to the king to go up to London, and treat with the Parliament for a litigation of the propositions, arrived in London; but, as the Royalists had observed, it was soon seen " that their treating would end in a bargain; " for, although professing themselves great sticklers for the freedom, honour, and safety of the king, they not only offered to concur in any measures that Parliament might propose, should the king remain obstinate, but offered to withdraw the Scots army from England, on receiving payment of the arrears of pay due to the army for its services. Such an offer was too tempting to be withstood; and a committee having been appointed to adjust the balance due to the Scots, it was finally agreed by the latter, after many charges on both sides had been disallowed/ to accept of £400,000 in full of all demands, one moiety of which was to be paid before the Scots army left England and the other after its return to Scotland.
Whatever may have been the understanding between the Scots commissioners and the English Parliament as to the disposal of the king, it is certain that in fixing the terms on which the Scots army should retire from England, that question was left quite open for discus- sion, as is sufficiently instructed by the subsequent vote of the two Houses, that the right of disposing of the king belonged to the Parliament of England, a vote which " gave birth to a controversy unprecedented in history," and which threatened to involve the two nations in war. To say, therefore, that the Scots nation
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sold their king is a foul calumny, refuted by the whole history of the transactions which preceded the delivery of the king to the English Parliamentary commissioners, for although a majority of the persons who attended the Scottish Parliament complied with the demand of the English Parliament for possession of the king's person, a virtuous minority, with whom was the great bulk of the nation, voted against it. A celebrated his- torian, who may be supposed very impartial in his views of the conduct of the Scots on this occasion, because opposed to the common opinion of his countrymen, thus defends the Scottish nation from the charge in question: "The Royalists, ever since the king's visit to Newark, had viewed with anxiety and terror the cool, calculating policy of the Scots. The result converted their suspicions into certitude; they hesitated not to accuse them of falsehood and perfidy, and to charge them with having allured the king to their army by deceitful promises, that, Judas-like, they might barter him for money with his enemies. Insinuations so in- jurious to the character of the nation ought not to be lightly admitted. That fanaticism and self-interest had steeled the breasts of the Covenanters against the more generous impulses of loyalty and compassion may indeed be granted; but more than this cannot be legiti- mately inferred from any proof furnished by history. (1) The despatches of Montrevil make it evident that the verbal engagement of the commissioners at London was disavowed by the commissioners with the army before Newark; that the king v was officially in- formed that it would never be carried into execution; and that, if he afterward sought an asylum among the Scots, he was not drawn thither by their promises, but driven by necessity and despair. (2) If the delivery of the royal person, connected as it was with the receipt
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of £200,000, bore the appearance of a sale, it ought to be remembered, that the accounts between the two nations had been adjusted in the beginning of September; that, for four months afterward, they never ceased to negotiate in favour of Charles; nor did they resign the «are of his person till the votes of the English Parlia- ment compelled them to make the choice between com- pliance and war. It may be, that in forming their de- cision their personal interest was not forgotten; but there was another consideration which had no small weight even with the friends of the monarch. It was urged, that by suffering the king to reside at Holmby, they would do away the last pretext for keeping on foot the army under the command of Fairfax; the dissolu- tion of that army would annihilate the influence of the Independents, and give an undisputed ascendency to the Presbyterians, the first, the declared enemies, the others the avowed advocates of Scotland, of the Kirk, and of the king; and the necessary consequence must be, that the two Parliaments would be left at lib- erty to arrange, in conformity with the Covenant, both the establishment of religion and the restoration of the throne."
While the negotiations for the delivery of the king were pending, Charles, who seems to have been fully aware of them, meditated the design of escaping from the Scots army, and putting himself at the head of such forces as the Marquis of Huntly could raise in the north. In pursuance of this design, his Majesty, about the middle of December, 1646, sent Robert Leslie, brother of General David Leslie, with letters and a private commission to Huntly, by which he was informed of his Majesty's intentions, and Huntly was, therefore, desired to levy what forces he could, and have them in readiness to take the field on his arrival in the north.
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On receipt of his Majesty's commands, Huntly began to raise forces, and having collected them at Banff, he fortified the town, and there awaited the king's arrival. But the king was prevented from putting his plan into execution by a premature discovery. It is stated by Guthry that Leslie and his committee having begun to talk of confining his Majesty, and " that it might be handsomely done, and upon some show of reason, Will- iam Murray, of the bedchamber, furnished a pretext, suggesting privately to his Majesty something concern- ing an escape, and offering to make his way, and have a ship in readiness to transport him." He then observes that it is uncertain " what entertainment his Majesty gave to the motion," but that, " before the time came which William Murray had set, it was so divulged that there was no other discourse throughout the army but of William Murray's plot to carry away the king; and thereupon, a guard of soldiers was presently planted at his chamber-door, both within and without; whereby his Majesty was not only deprived of liberty, but also of quiet and retirement; and having an antipathy against tobacco, was much perplexed by reason of their con- tinual smoking by him." Although Murray, who, upon the discovery, retired to London, was imprisoned at the instigation of the Scots commissioners for planning the king's escape, yet it was believed by the " malig- nants " to be a mere pretence to deceive the king, whom they supposed he had betrayed in the expectation that should his Majesty be again induced to trust him he might render them further service.
After the delivery of the king to the English, on the twenty-eighth day of January, 1647, the Scots army returned to Scotland. It was thereupon remodelled and reduced, by order of the Parliament, to six thousand foot and twelve hundred horse, a force which was con-
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sidered sufficient not only to keep the Royalists in awe, but also to reduce the Marquis of Huntly and Sir Alex- ander Macdonald, who were still at the head of some forces. The dispersion, therefore, of the forces under both these commanders became the immediate object of the Parliament. An attempt had been made in the month of January, 1647, by a division of the covenant- ing army stationed in Aberdeenshire, under the command of Major Bickerton, to surprise the Marquis of Huntly at Banff, but he had been obliged to retire with loss; and Huntly continued to remain in his position till the month of April, when, on the approach of General David Leslie with a considerable force, he fled with a few friends to the mountains of Lochaber for shelter. Leslie thereupon reduced the castles belonging to the mar- quis. He first took that of Strathbogie, and sent the commander thereof, the laird of Newton-Gordon, to Edinburgh; then the castle of Lesmore; and lastly, the Bog of Gicht, or Gordon castle, the commander of which, James Gordon of Letterfurie, and his brother, Thomas Gordon of Clastirim, and other gentlemen of the name of Gordon, were sent to Edinburgh as pris- oners. Leslie next took the isle of Lochtanner, in Aboyne, which had been fortified by Huntly. Quarter was given to the men who garrisoned those different strengths, with the exception of the Irish and deserters, who were hanged immediately on their capture.
Having taken these different places, Leslie next marched into Badenoch, in quest of the marquis, where he captured the castle of Ruthven. From thence he proceeded into Lochaber, and took the fortress of In- verlochy. The covenanting general, thereupon, marched to the south with a part of his forces, leaving the re- mainder in the north, under the command of Middleton, and encamped in Strathallan, he himself taking up his
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headquarters in Dunblane. Here he remained till the middle of May, when he was joined by the Marquis of Argyle, and ordered to advance into that nobleman's country to drive out Sir Alexander Macdonald. Accord- ingly, he began his march on the seventeenth of May, and arrived at Inverary on the twenty-first. Sir Alex- ander Macdonald was at this tune in Kintyre, with a force of about fourteen hundred foot and two troops of horse, which would have been fully sufficient to have checked Leslie, but he seems not to have been aware of the advance of Leslie, and had taken no precautions to guard the passes leading into that peninsula, which might have been successfully defended by a handful of men against a considerable force. Having secured these difficult passes, Leslie advanced into Kintyre, and after skirmishing the whole of the twenty-fifth of May with Macdonald, he forced him to retire. After throwing three hundred men into a fortress on the top of the hill of Dunavertie, and in which " there was not a drop of water but what fell from the clouds," Mac- donald, on the following day, embarked his troops in boats provided for the occasion, and passed over into Ila.
Leslie, thereupon, laid siege to the castle of Dun- avertie, which was well defended; but the assailants, having carried a trench at the bottom of the hill which gave the garrison the command of water, and in the storming of which the besieged lost forty men, the latter craved a parley, in consequence of which Sir James Turner, Leslie's adjutant-general, was sent to confer with the garrison on the terms of surrender. Leslie would not grant " any other conditions than that they should yield on discretion or mercy. And it seemed strange to me," continues Sir James Turner, " to hear the lieutenant-general's nice distinction, that they should
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yield themselves to the kingdom's mercy, and not to his. At length they did so, and after they were come out of the castle, they were put to the sword, every mother's son, except one young man, Maccoul, whose life I begged to be sent to France, with a hundred fellows which we had smoked out of a cave, as they do foxes, who were given to Captain Campbell, the chancellor's brother." This atrocious act was perpetrated at the instigation of John Nave or Neaves, " a bloody preacher," but, ac- cording to Wodrow, an " excellent man," who would not be satisfied with less than the blood of the prisoners. As the account given by Sir James Turner, an eye-witness of this infamous transaction, is curious, no apology is necessary for inserting it. " Here it will be fit to make a stop, till this cruel action be canvassed. First, the lieutenant-general was two days irresolute what to do. The Marquis of Argyle was accused at his arraignment of this murder, and I was examined as a witness. I declared, which was true, that I never heard him advise the lieutenant-general to it. What he did in private I know not. Secondly, Argyle was but a colonel then, and he had no power to do it of himself. Thirdly, though he had advised him to it, it was no capital crime; for counsel is no command. Fourthly, I have several times spoke to the lieutenant-general to save these men's lives, and he always assented to it, and I know of himself he was unwilling to shed their blood. Fifthly, Mr. John Nave," who was appointed by the Commission of the Kirk to wait on him as his chaplain, " never ceased to tempt him to that bloodshed, yea, and threatened him with the curses befell Saul for sparing the Amale- kites, for with them his theology taught him to com- pare the Dunavertie men. And I verily believe that this prevailed most with David Leslie, who looked upon Nave as the representative of the Kirk of Scotland."
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The statement of Sir James and David Leslie's repug- nance to shed the blood of those defenceless men is fully corroborated by Bishop Guthry, on the authority of many persons who were present, who says that while the butchery was going on, and while Leslie, Argyle, and Neaves were walking over the ankles in blood, Leslie turned out and thus addressed the latter: " Now, Mr. John, have you not once got your fill of blood? " The sufferers on this occasion were partly Irish, and partly belonging to the Clan Dougal or Coull, to the castle of whose chief, in Lome, Colonel Robert Montgomerie now laid siege, while Leslie himself, with a part of his forces, left Kintyre for Ila in pursuit of Macdonald.
On landing in Ila, Leslie found that Macdonald had fled to Ireland, and had left Colkittoch, his father, in the castle of Dunniveg, with a force of two hundred men to defend the island against the superior power of Leslie. The result turned out as might have been anticipated. Although the garrison made a brave resistance, yet, being wholly without water, they found themselves unable to resist, and offered to capitulate on certain conditions. These were, that the officers should be entitled to go where they pleased, and that the privates should be sent to France. These conditions were agreed to, and were punctually fulfilled. Old Colkittoch had, however, the misfortune not to be included in this capit- ulation, for, before the castle had surrendered, " the old man, Coll/' says Sir James Turner, " coming foolishly out of the house, where he was governor, on some parole or other, to speak with his old friend, the captain of Dunstaffnage castle, was surprised, and made prisoner, not without some stain to the lieutenant-general's honour. He was afterward hanged by a jury of Argyle's sheriff-depute, one George Campbell, from whose sen- tence few are said to have escaped that kind of death."
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Leaving Ila, Leslie " boated over to Jura, a horrible isle," says Sir James Turner, " and a habitation fit for deer and wild beasts; and so from isle to isle," •continues he, " till he came to Mull, which is one of the best of the Hebrides. Here Maclaine saved his lands, with the loss of his reputation, if he ever had any. He gave up his strong castles to Leslie, gave his eldest sonne for hostage of his fidelity, and, which was un- christian baseness in the lowest degree, he delivered up fourteen prettie Irishmen, who had been all along faithful to him, to the lieutenant-general, who immedi- ately caused hang them all. It was not well done to demand them from Maclaine, but inexcusablie ill done in him to betray them. Here I cannot forget one Donald Campbell, fleshed in blood from his very infancie, who with all imaginable violence pressed that the whole Clan Maclaine should be put to the edge of the sword; nor could he be commanded to forbear his bloody suit by the lieutenant-general and two major-generals; and with some difficulty was he commanded silence by his chief, the Marquis of Argyle. For my part, I said nothing, for indeed I did not care though he had pre- vailed in his suit, the delivery of the Irish had so irri- tated me against that whole clan and name."
While Leslie was thus subduing the Hebrides, Middle- ton was occupied in pursuing the Marquis of Huntly through Glen-moriston, Badenoch, and other places, who was at length captured, by Lieutenant-Colonel Menzies, in Strathdon, in the month of December, 1647. Having received intelligence of the place of the mar- quis's retreat, Menzies came to Dalnabo with a select body of horse, consisting of three troops, about midnight, and immediately entered the house just as Huntly was going to bed. The marquis was attended by only ten gentlemen and servants, as a sort of body-guard, who,
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notwithstanding the great disparity of numbers, made a brave attempt to protect the marquis, in which six of them were killed and the rest mortally wounded, among whom was John Grant, the landlord. On hearing that the marquis had been taken prisoner, the whole of his vassals in the neighbourhood, to the number of between four and five hundred, with Grant of Carron at their head, flew to arms to rescue him. Lieutenant- Colonel Menzies thereupon carried the marquis to the castle of Blairfindie, in Glenlivet, about four miles from Dalnabo, where the marquis received a notice from Grant and his party by the wife of Gordon of Munmore, that they had solemnly sworn that they would either rescue him or die to a man, and they requested him to give them such orders to carry their plan into effect as he might judge proper. But the marquis dissuaded his people from the intended attempt, and returned for answer that, now almost worn out with grief and fatigue, he could no longer live in hills and dens; and hoped that his enemies would not drive things to the worst; but if such was the will of Heaven, he could not outlive the sad fate he foresaw his royal master was likely to undergo; and be the event as it would, he doubted not but the just providence of God would restore the royal family, and his own along with it.
Besides the gentlemen and servants about Huntly's person, there were some Irish who were quartered in the offices about Dalnabo. These were carried prisoners by Menzies to Strathbogy, where Middleton then was, who ordered them all to be shot, a sentence which was carried into immediate execution. In consequence of an order from the Committee of Estates at Edinburgh, Menzies carried the marquis under a strong guard of horse to Leith, where, after being kept two days, he was delivered up to the magistrates, and incarcerated
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in the jail of the city. The Committee had previously debated the question whether the marquis should he immediately executed or reprieved till the meeting of Parliament, but although the Argyle faction, notwith- standing the Marquis of Argyle withdrew before the vote was taken, and the Committee of the Church did every- thing in their power to procure the immediate execu- tion of the marquis, his life was spared till the meeting of the Parliament by a majority of one vote. The Earl of Aboyne and Lord Lewis Gordon had the good fortune to escape to the continent. The first went to France, where he shortly thereafter died; the second took refuge in Holland. A reward of £1,000 sterling had been promised to any person who should apprehend Huntly, and for payment of which sum Menzies accordingly obtained an order, on the sixth of January, 1648, from, the Committee of Estates.
It has been made the ground of a charge by the author of the history of the family of Gordon against Hamilton and Argyle, " to whom Huntly trusted so much," that they were " the first signers " of this order; but there seems to be really no room for accusation on this score, as these two noblemen merely signed the document in the order of precedence of rank before the rest of the committee. However, there seems to be no doubt that Argyle felt a malignant gratification at the capture of Huntly, and it is related by Spalding, that taking advantage of Huntly's situation, Argyle bought up all the comprisings on Huntly's lands, and that he caused summon at the market-cross of Aberdeen by sound of trumpet, all Huntly's wadsetters and creditors to ap- pear at Edinburgh in the month of March following Huntly's imprisonment, calling on them to produce their securities before the Lords of Session, with certification that if they did not appear, their securities were to be
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declared null and void. Some of Huntly's creditors sold their claims to Argyle, and having thus bought up all the rights he could obtain upon Huntly's estate at a small or nominal value, under the pretence that he was acting for the benefit of his nephew, Lord Gordon, he granted bonds for the amount which, according to Spalding, he never paid. In this way did Argyle possess himself of the marquis's estates, which he continued to enjoy upwards of twelve years; viz., from 1648 till the restoration of Charles II in 1660.
When the king, who was then a prisoner in Carisbrook castle, heard of the capture of Huntly, he wrote the fol- lowing letter to the Earl of Lanark, then in London, in favour of the marquis:
" LANERK. — Hearing that the Marquis of Huntly is taken, and knowing the danger that he is in, I both strictly command you as a master, and earnestly desire you as a friend, that you will deal effectually with all those whom you have any interest in, for the saving of his life. It were, I know, lost time to use arguments to you for this, wherefore, I judge these lines necessary to add to your power, though not to your willingness, to do this most acceptable service for,
" Your most assured, real, constant friend,
" CHARLES R." CARISBROOK, nth December, 1647.
The earl, either from unwillingness or inability, ap- pears to have paid no attention to this letter.
Shortly before the capture of the Marquis of Huntly, John Gordon of Innermarkie, Gordon, younger of New- ton-Gordon, and the laird of Harthill, three of his chief friends, had been taken prisoners by Major-General
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Middleton, and sent to Edinburgh, where they were imprisoned. The two latter were condemned to die by the Committee of Estates, and although their friends procured a remission of the sentence from the king, they were, notwithstanding, both beheaded at the market-cross of Edinburgh. Harthill suffered on the twenty-sixth of October, 1647, and Newton-Gordon a few days thereafter.
While the hopes of the Royalists, both in England and Scotland, seemed to be almost extinguished, a ray of light, about this time, darted through the dark gloom of the political horizon, which they fondly imagined was the harbinger of a new and a better order of things; but all their expectations were destined to end in bitter disappointment. The king, who had hitherto alternately intrigued with the Presbyterians and Independents, that he might circumvent both, was now induced by the Scots commissioners, who had repaired to Caris- brook castle, to break with the Independents, by refusing the royal assent to four bills,7 which the two Houses of Parliament had prepared; and to enter into a treaty with the Presbyterians, by which the king agreed to the establishment of Presbyterianism, but only as an experiment for three years. Although the terms of this treaty were more favourable to the king than those in the bills which he rejected, his friends were sorry that his Majesty had refused to accede to the latter, as they had no confidence in those with whom he had contracted. But the treaty was not less disagreeable to his Majesty's friends than to his bitterest enemies, for no sooner had the Committee of the Kirk received notice of it than they remonstrated against it; and when the Scots Parliament met in March, 1648, the ministers, Douglas, Dick, Blair, Cant, Livingston, and Gillespie, and the laird of Dundas, Sir James Stewart and George
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Winram, ruling elders, presented a declaration against the treaty, which they considered destructive of the Covenant. Notwithstanding the opposition on the part of the Kirk, and of Argyle and his party, and the money and intrigues of the English commissioners who had been sent to Scotland to watch the proceedings of the king's party, the Duke of Hamilton, who had lately formed an association to release the king from his captivity, which went under the name of the " Engage- ment," prevailed upon the Parliament to appoint a committee of danger, and to consent to a levy of forty thousand men.
The time seemed propitious for the interests of the king. The bulk of the English population, with the exception of the army, had grown quite dissatisfied with the state of matters, and they now began to perceive, when too late, that they had only exchanged one system of tyranny for one still more insupportable, the despot- ism of a standing army led by needy and unprincipled adventurers. In short, the people, disgusted by military exactions, and dreading an abolition of the monarchy, sighed for the restoration of the king, as the only means of delivering them from the tyranny under which they groaned. The eyes of the English nation were now directed toward Scotland, and the news of the Scots' levy made them indulge a hope that they would soon be enabled, by the aid of the Scots auxili- aries, to throw off the military yoke, and restore the king on conditions favourable to liberty. But Hamilton, being thwarted by the Argyle faction, unfortunately had it not in his power to take advantage of the favourable disposition of the English people, and instead of raising forty thousand men, he found, to his great mortifica- tion, that, at the utmost, he could, after upwards of three months' labour, only bring about fifteen thousand men
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into the field, and that not until several insurrections in England, in favour of the king, had been suppressed. It was the misfortune of Hamilton that with every disposition to serve the cause of his royal master, he had neither the capacity to conceive, nor the resolution to adopt bold and decisive measures equal to the emer- gency of the times. Like the king, he too attempted to act the part of the cunning politician, but he was wholly unfitted for the performance of such a character. Had he had the address to separate old Leslie and his nephew from the party of Argyle, by placing the direction of military affairs in their hands, he might have succeeded in raising a sufficient force to cope with the Parliamen- tary army of England; but he had the weakness, after both these generals had joined the Kirk in its remon- strance to the Parliament that nothing should be done without the consent of the Committee of the General Assembly, to get himself appointed commander-in- chief of the army, a measure which could not fail to disgust these hardy veterans. To conciliate the Marquis of Argyle and his friends to the appointment, they were made colonels in the shires where they lived for the purpose of raising the levies which had been voted. In- stead, however, of assisting, they, on their return home, did everything in their power to obstruct the levies. The Marquis of Argyle, after despatching Major Strachan on a private embassy to Cromwell to send a party to Scotland to assist him in opposing the measures of the duke, went from Edinburgh to Fife, where he induced the gentry not only to oppose the levies, but to hold themselves in readiness to rise on the other side when called upon. He was not so successful in Stirlingshire, none of the gentlemen of that country concurring in his views except the laird of Buchanan, Sir William Bruce of Stenhouse, and a few persons of inferior note;
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but in Dumbartonshire he succeeded to the utmost of his wishes. After attending a meeting with the lord chancellor (Loudon), the Earls of Cassillis and Eglinton, and David Dick and other ministers, at Eglinton's house, on the twenty-ninth of May, Argyle went home to his own country to raise his people against his sovereign.
Several instances of opposition to the levy took place; but the most formidable one, and the only one worthy of notice, was in Ayrshire, where a body of armed insur- gents, to the number of eight hundred horse and twelve hundred foot according to one writer, and five hundred horse and two thousand foot according to another^ headed by several ministers, assembled at Mauchline; but they were defeated and dispersed by Middleton, who had been appointed lieutenant-general of horse,. on the tenth of June, with the loss of eighty men.
There are no data by which to ascertain the number of men raised in the Highlands for Hamilton's army; but it must necessarily have been very inconsiderable. Not a single man was of course raised in Argyleshire, and scarcely any in the adjoining part of Inverness- shire, to which the influence or power of Argyle extended. The Earl of Sutherland, who had been appointed a colo- nel of foot in his own division, declined the office, and Lord Reay was so disgusted with " Duke Hamilton'^ failure," that he took shipping at Thurso in the month of July that year, and went to Norway, where he was appointed governor of Bergen, and received the colonelcy of a regiment from the King of Denmark, whom he had formerly served. The only individual who could have benefited the royal cause in the north was the Marquis of Huntly, but by a strange fatality the Duke of Hamil- ton, who could have easily procured an order from the Parliament for his liberation from prison, allowed him to continue in prison, and merely contented himself
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with obtaining a warrant for changing the marquis's place of confinement from the jail to the castle of Edinburgh.
In consequence of the many difficulties which occurred in collecting his troops, and providing the necessary materiel for the use of the army, the duke was not able to begin his march till the eighth of July, on which day he put his army in motion toward the borders. His force, which amounted to about ten thousand foot and four thousand horse, was composed of raw and undis- ciplined levies, and he had not a single field-piece. He entered England by the western border, where he was met by Sir Marmaduke Langdale and a body of four thousand brave Cavaliers, all devotedly attached to the king. At this time Lambert, the Parliamentary general, had invested Carlisle, and Hamilton was induced by the English Royalists, contrary to his own views, to march upon Carlisle, and force Lambert to raise the siege. That general, who had received orders from Cromwell not to engage the Scots till he should join him, accord- ingly retired, and Carlisle was delivered up next day to Hamilton by the English Royalists, who also put him in possession of Berwick.
With the forces now at his command, which were still further augmented by the addition of a body of three thousand veterans, drawn from the Scottish army in Ireland, which joined him at Kendal under the command of Major-General Sir George Munro, the duke might have effected the restoration of the king had a combined plan of operations been agreed upon between him and his English allies; " but Hamilton, though possessed of personal courage, was diffident of his own powers, and resigned himself to the guidance of men who sacrificed the interests of the service to their private jealousies and feuds." So controlled was the duke by these men,
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that he was not allowed to benefit by the advice of his English auxiliaries, and when they advised him to march through Yorkshire, the inhabitants of which were well affected to the king, the duke, to gratify the Pres- byterians, rejected their advice, and resolved to march through Lancashire, because the people there were generally attached to Presbyterianism. To please them still further he would not allow the English Royalists to unite with the Scots army, for fear of infringing an absurd law, which required that the allies of the Scots should take the Covenant before being permitted to mix with them. The consequence was, that the two sections of the Royalist army were kept so distinct and isolated, and at such an interval of space, that it became utterly impossible for them to co-operate or to act simultane- ously. But, bad as the order of march was by which Langdale's forces were kept at an advance of twenty, and even sometimes of thirty miles ahead of the Scots army, it was rendered still worse by a difference between Munro and Callander, in consequence of which Munro was ordered to remain behind in Westmoreland to bring forward, according to Bishop Guthry, five pieces of can- non which were expected from Scotland.
The advance of Hamilton's army had been greatly checked by Lambert, who kept constantly skirmishing with the advanced guard of the Scots army with a large body of horse, and so slow were his motions, that forty days were spent in a march of eighty miles. The tardiness of the duke's motions enabled Cromwell, after reducing Pembroke, to effect a junction with Lambert in Yorkshire before the Scottish army had reached Preston, and although their united forces did not exceed nine thousand men, Cromwell, with characteristic prompt- itude, did not hesitate to attack the enemy. Cromwell, being observed to march upon Clithero, where Lang-
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dale and his Cavaliers were stationed, that officer fell back on the Scottish army near Preston, and sent notice to the duke to prepare for battle on the following day. The duke, however, disregarded the admonition. On the following morning, being the seventeenth of August, Cromwell attacked Langdale, and, although the forces of the former were almost twice as numerous as those of the latter, the Royalists fought upwards of six hours with the most determined bravery, and it was not until their whole ammunition was spent, and the duke had, notwithstanding the most urgent solici- tations from Langdale, declined to support them, that they were obliged to retreat into Preston. Here they were mortified to find that their allies had abandoned the town, and that the enemy were in possession of the bridge across the river. Langdale, having now no alter- native but flight, disbanded his infantry, and along with his cavalry and the duke, who, refusing to follow the example of his army, had remained in the town, swam across the Ribble.
The Scots army retired during the night toward Wigan, where it was joined by the duke next morning, .but so reduced in spirits and weakened by desertion as to be quite unable to make any resistance to the victorious troops of Cromwell, who pressed hard upon them. The foot, under the command of Baillie, continued to retreat during the day, but were overtaken at Warrington, and, being unable either to proceed or to resist, sur- rendered. The number which capitulated amounted to about three thousand. Upwards of six thousand had previously been captured by the country people, and the few who had the good fortune to escape joined Munro and returned to Scotland. These prisoners were sold as slaves, and sent to the plantations, — a striking in- stance of the horrors of civil war.
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THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
The duke, abandoning Baillie to his fate, carried off the whole cavalry; but he had not proceeded far when his rear was attacked by the Parliamentary army. Middleton made a gallant defence, and was taken pris- oner; but the duke escaped, and fled to Uttoxeterr followed by his horse, where he surrendered himself to General Lambert and the Lord Grey of Groby, who sent him prisoner to Windsor. The Earl of Callander, having effected his escape, went over to Holland, dis- gusted at the conduct of the duke.
As soon as the news of the defeat of Hamilton reached Scotland, the Covenanters of the west began to bestir themselves, and a party of them, under the command of Robert Montgomery, son of the